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ICN Pharmaceuticals, Inc.
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<PAGE>
The following is the text of two letters issued by ICN Phamaceuticals, Inc.
("ICN") on October 13, 2000:
[Letterhead of ICN Pharmaceuticals, Inc.]
October 13, 2000
Dear Investment Community Member:
Attached are articles from Tuesday's International Herald Tribune.
I am sure you will agree that this is certainly in the interest of
ICN'S position in Eastern Europe and in re-opening Yugoslavia and the
Balkans to democracy and free enterprise.
Sincerely,
ICN PHARMACEUTICALS, INC.
/s/ Jack Sholl
Jack Sholl
Executive Vice President
Public Relations
Attachments
ICN stockholders are strongly advised to read the proxy statement relating
to ICN's 2000 annual meeting of stockholders when it becomes available, as
it will contain important information. Stockholders will be able to obtain
this proxy statement, any amendments to the proxy statement and other
documents filed by ICN with the Securities and Exchange Commission for free
at the Internet website maintained by the Securities and Exchange
Commission at www.sec.gov. In addition, ICN will mail the proxy statement
to each stockholder of record on the record date to be established for the
stockholders meeting. ICN will also make additional copies of the proxy
statement and any amendments to the proxy statement available for free to
ICN's stockholders. Please direct your request for the proxy statement to
Investor Relations, ICN Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 3300 Hyland Avenue, Costa
Mesa, California 92626, telephone (714) 545-0100, extension 3104.
ICN, its executive officers and directors may be deemed to be participants
in the solicitation of proxies for ICN's 2000 annual meeting of
stockholders. Information regarding these participants is contained in the
Schedule 14A filed by ICN with the Securities and Exchange Commission on
October 6, 2000.
<PAGE>
[Letterhead of ICN Pharmaceuticals, Inc.]
October 13, 2000
Investor
Dear Investor:
Attached are articles from Tuesday's International Herald Tribune.
As a shareholder, I am sure you will agree that this is certainly in the
interest of ICN'S position in Eastern Europe and in re-opening Yugoslavia
and the Balkans to democracy and free enterprise.
Sincerely,
ICN PHARMACEUTICALS, INC.
/s/ Jack Sholl
Jack Sholl
Executive Vice President
Public Relations
Attachments
ICN stockholders are strongly advised to read the proxy statement relating
to ICN's 2000 annual meeting of stockholders when it becomes available, as
it will contain important information. Stockholders will be able to obtain
this proxy statement, any amendments to the proxy statement and other
documents filed by ICN with the Securities and Exchange Commission for free
at the Internet website maintained by the Securities and Exchange
Commission at www.sec.gov. In addition, ICN will mail the proxy statement
to each stockholder of record on the record date to be established for the
stockholders meeting. ICN will also make additional copies of the proxy
statement and any amendments to the proxy statement available for free to
ICN's stockholders. Please direct your request for the proxy statement to
Investor Relations, ICN Pharmaceuticals, Inc., 3300 Hyland Avenue, Costa
Mesa, California 92626, telephone (714) 545-0100, extension 3104.
ICN, its executive officers and directors may be deemed to be participants
in the solicitation of proxies for ICN's 2000 annual meeting of
stockholders. Information regarding these participants is contained in the
Schedule 14A filed by ICN with the Securities and Exchange Commission on
October 6, 2000.
<PAGE>
International Herald Tribune
Paris, Tuesday, October 10, 2000
EU EASES OFF ON BELGRADE
SOME SANCTIONS ARE LIFTED AMID POLICY REVIEW
BY WILLIAM DROZDIAK WASHINGTON POST SERVICE
BRUSSELS - The 15-nation European Union began the process of reconciliation
with a newly democratic Yugoslavia on Monday by voting unanimously to start
lifting international sanctions amid a growing debate over whether Western
countries should seek to use their leverage to influence the policies of
the new president, Vojislav Kostunica.
EU foreign ministers, meeting in Luxembourg, agreed to remove a blockade on
oil deliveries and a ban on commercial air travel to Yugoslavia. But they
decided to maintain a freeze on state assets as well as a selective ban on
visas to prevent the deposed leader, Slobodan Milosevic, and his aides from
escaping with looted national wealth.
Seeking to encourage friendly relations with Mr. Kostunica, EU ministers
said they were prepared to welcome Yugoslavia - which now comprises only
Serbia and Montenegro - back into the European mainstream. To buttress that
commitment, they dangled the promise of spending as much as $2 billion over
the next seven years to help rebuild the country's devastated economy.
In a significant concession, EU ministers also indicated they would not
seek to link the release of reconstruction aid to the early extradition of
Mr. Milosevic to stand trial for genocide and crimes against humanity at an
international tribunal in The Hague.
But the question of how hard the Western allies should push Mr. Kostunica's
nascent governing alliance to cooperate with the tribunal at The Hague and
deliver Mr. Milosevic and other indicted Serbs to face trial is emerging as
a controversial matter just two days after Mr. Kostunica was sworn in as
Yugoslavia's president.
Mr. Kostunica has been invited to join EU leaders at a special summit
meeting Friday at the French resort of Biarritz. Diplomats said the EU
leaders would press the new Yugoslav leader to spell out in greater detail
his policy plans, including how he intends to deal with independence
movements in Montenegro and the Serbian province of Kosovo.
Even though he has acquired a heroic glow as an unassuming lawyer who
managed to unite a fractious opposition to bring down Mr. Milosevic, Mr.
Kostunica is also regarded as a devout Serbian nationalist whose views may
clash with the goals of the United States and European governments.
He has repeatedly disagreed with the Western allies about the need for Mr.
Milosevic to stand trial in The Hague. He also has affirmed that one of his
government's most pressing priorities will be to achieve the rapid
restoration of the southern province of Kosovo - now under the protection
of the United Nations and of North Atlantic Treaty Organization troops -
within the sovereign control of Serbia.
But Kosovo Albanians, who now represent almost the entire population of
some 2 million following the mass exodus of the Serbian minority, are
deeply distrustful of Mr. Kostunica and seem more determined than ever to
achieve their independence.
Already, the debate over how much influence Europe and the United States
should seek to exercise over Mr. Kostunica through the instruments of
economic assistance or political cooperation is threatening to sow tensions
within a Western alliance that remained remarkably unified throughout the
78-day Kosovo air war last year and a decade of sanctions against
Yugoslavia.
While the United States continues to insist that Mr. Milosevic's surrender
remain a paramount objective, European governments contend it should not be
allowed to interfere with what they feel is the more important need to
shore up political and financial support for Mr. Kostunica's government.
"Milosevic is not our first priority," Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer of
Germany said. "First, they must consolidate their democracy. This question
should be settled within the framework of the democratization process in
Serbia. But I have no doubts that justice will prevail."
Foreign Secretary Robin Cook of Britain, whose government was one of
staunchest advocates of waging war against Mr. Milosevic's forces in Kosovo
last year, also argued that a display of tangible generosity toward the
people of Serbia should take precedence over the desire for vengeance
against Mr. Milosevic.
Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder of Germany said over the weekend that despite
the international warrant for Mr. Milosevic's arrest, the new democratic
government of Yugoslavia should be allowed to decide on its own what it
wished to do with him. Mr. Schroeder suggested that Western countries be
willing to back attempts to put Mr. Milosevic and his aides on trial in a
Serbian courtroom rather than risk a nationalist backlash by pressuring Mr.
Kostunica to turn his defeated predecessor over to The Hague.
After being humiliated by seeing the United States carry much of the burden
in waging the air war against Mr. Milosevic's forces, the EU has vowed to
shoulder much of the economic cost of helping the Balkans recover from the
four wars unleashed during Mr. Milosevic's 13 years in power.
But how it distributes that assistance - which is expected to surpass $10
billion for the entire region over the next few years - may soon cause new
tensions. In Bosnia and Kosovo, there are mounting anxieties that those who
suffered at the hands of Serbian forces will now see their share of
economic assistance diminish as some funds are channeled toward Belgrade.
Photo: Milan Panic, left, Serb-born American businessman, being welcomed
Monday in Belgrade by workers at his pharmaceutical factory, which was
confiscated by the government when Slobodan Milosevic was president.
<PAGE>
International Herald Tribune
Paris, Tuesday, October 10, 2000
DON'T EXPECT RENEWAL IN SERBIA WITH MILOSEVIC STILL AROUND
BY MILAN PANIC
BELGRADE - In the end, the tyrant who had caused his country's isolation
from the community of nations himself became isolated.
No longer able to count on the police, the army and the media, and finally
urged by Russia to accept the undeniable, Slobodan Milosevic conceded that
he had lost last month's election to Vojislav Kostunica.
His language, however, like so many of his actions in the past decade,
insulted the intelligence of the electorate. He spoke of his respect for a
constitution that he had frequently ignored or changed to suit his
political maneuvers. He thanked those who voted against him for lifting
from his soul the heavy "burden" of his office that he had tried so hard to
retain through an extraordinary and brazen series of electoral
manipulations. And he made clear that he intends to work "to strengthen"
his Socialist Party, which he was certain would be victorious in the next
elections.
Those of us who know him well and have jousted with him over the years know
that it is a mistake to count him out. He is a world-class liar, and a very
shrewd Balkan politician.
He will remain a threat to stability as long as he remains in Serbia. His
continued presence will embolden his die-hard supporters to obstruct the
rapid political and economic transformation that Serbia and the Balkans so
badly need.
Reliable sources from Mr. Kostunica's coalition report that an attempt was
made by the minister of the interior, Vlajko Stojilkovic, a longtime
Milosevic confidant, to organize a countercoup on Friday. The effort failed
because a Kostunica loyalist, retired General Vuk Obradovic, had
infiltrated supporters into the ministry.
Mr. Stojilkovic will surely be fired, but he will remain a member of the
dominant Socialist bloc in Parliament.
I expect the Socialist-controlled Parliament to try to force their
candidates for government positions on Mr. Kostunica. He must stand firm
against all such political maneuvering.
He has a large number of talented and dedicated supporters to choose from
in forming his government. As the principal founder and organizer of the
Alliance for Change - the association of political parties and groups that
formed the basis for the coalition which elected Mr. Kostunica - I know
that the best of these political leaders are as capable and honorable as
those in any democracy.
The most serious threat to Mr. Kostunica's ability to proceed swiftly with
Serbia's transformation is on the economic front. The economic sanctions in
effect for most of the past eight years have destroyed normal markets. The
stage was abandoned to black and gray marketeers and criminal elements,
including well-organized economic mafiosi, all of whom owed their
allegiance and a share of the booty to the upper levels of the Milosevic
regime.
Hundreds of senior officials in the regime are managers of government
enterprises, which are estimated to represent 70 percent of the total
economy. Mr. Kostunica must move swiftly to break the back ofthis
kleptocracy.
He must quickly and methodically remove these Milosevic-appointed managers,
along with their limousines and other perks, and replace them with
competent techniciansloyal to him. Acting swiftlywill demonstrate to the
workers that this is their victory, andthat the means of production will be
privatized honestly to exclude participation or benefits to those who
corruptly enriched Mr. Milosevic's regime.Rapid and effective economic
transformation and rebuilding will not be possible without significant
private investment, most of which will have to come from abroad. This
process needs a jump-start from Europe and the United States that is not
bogged down in bureaucratic delays. It is a large and expensive task which,
on a smaller scale, should achieve what the Marshall Plan did for Western
Europe after World War II.
The existing Stabilization Pact for Southeastern Europe can be its basis,
but it should be an enhanced stabilization pact, with increased financing
and expeditious implementation.If this seed money flows in quickly and
effectively, investors will recognize the opportunities and act
accordingly.
The writer was prime minster of Yugoslavia in 1992 and 1993. This comment
was distributed by the Los Angeles Times Syndicate.
* * *
Because these are publicly available newspaper sources (also available on
the internet), we did not seek to obtain the consent of the author or
publication for use as proxy soliciting material.
