Ontario Supreme Court  
Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Dieleman  
Date: 1994-08-30  
Attorney-General of Ontario  
and  
Dieleman et al.;  
Torcan Women’s Reproductive Health Clinic Inc. et al., Interveners  
Court File No. 93-CQ-36131  
Ontario Court (General Division), Adams J. August, 30, 1994.  
ADAMS J.:—  
I
INTRODUCTION  
[1] The Attorney-General seeks to enjoin all anti-abortion protest activity occurring within five  
hundred feet (500) of twenty-three (23) locations across Ontario. The locations can be  
grouped into four categories: hospitals, free-standing abortion clinics, the offices of physicians  
and the homes of physicians. It is claimed that the protest activity constitutes a public  
nuisance because it interferes with access to safe abortion services in a variety of significant  
ways.  
[2] The defendants deny the alleged interferences and claim that the government is  
attempting to stop the delivery of anti-abortion messages at these 23 strategic locations. They  
rely on their constitutional freedoms of expression, assembly and religion.  
[3] Central to this matter is an assessment of the impact of the protest activity on women  
patients and on their medical service providers in the context of an equally full appreciation of  
the role of free speech in a democratic society. These crucial understandings in turn require a  
detailed review of the historical, factual and legal underpinnings to the parties’ submissions.  
[4] The plaintiff, the Attorney-General of Ontario, seeks an interlocutory injunction restraining  
the defendants, any persons acting under counsel, instruction or direction of them or any of  
them, and all other persons having knowledge of the order of the court from:  
(i) watching, besetting or picketing or causing to be watched, beset or picketed the  
premise listed in Schedule “A” to the statement of claim;  
(ii) impeding, interfering with, blocking or obstructing or attempting to impede, interfere,  
block or instruct, ingress or egress to or from said premises by any means whatsoever;  
(iii) causing or attempting to cause a public nuisance within five hundred feet of the said  
premises;  
(iv) assaulting, harassing, impeding, obstructing threatening or intimidating patients,  
health care providers other their respective families;  
(v) using insulting, abusive or defamatory language or gestures, whether orally or in  
writing, in relation to patients or health care providers within five hundred feet of the said  
premises; and  
(vi) interfering or attempting to interfere with access to or the provision of abortion  
services.  
[5] The premises in relation to which relief is sought have been listed in Schedule “A”  
attached to the statement of claim. They can be described as follows:  
London:  
(1) 1057 Fraser Ave. is the home of Dr. Fraser Fellows, a physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(2) 1051 Fraser Ave. is the home of Dr. Avinoam Chernick, physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(3) 201 Huntcliffe Dr. is the home of Dr. Ronald Robins, a physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(4) 736 Springbank Dr. is the home of Dr. Hugh Allen, a physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(5) 648 Huron St. is the office of Dr. Avinoam Chernick;  
(6) 359 Wellington Rd. is the office of Dr. Ronald Robins;  
(7) Victoria Hospital (Westminster Campus) 800 Commissioners Rd. East, is a hospital where  
abortion services are provided;  
(8) St. Joseph’s Health Centre, 268 Grosvernor St. is one of the offices of Dr. Fraser Fellows;  
(9) University Hospital, 339 Windermere Rd., is a hospital where abortion services are  
provided.  
North Bay:  
(10) 64 Ellendale Rd. is the home of Dr. George Zeman, a physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(11) 90 Labresh Dr. is the home of Dr. Eduardo Berger, a physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(12) 1221 Algonquin Dr. is the office of Dr. George Zeman;  
(13) 355 Ferguson St. is the office of Dr. Eduardo Berger;  
(14) North Bay Civic Hospital, 750 Scollard St., is a hospital where abortion services are  
provided.  
Brantford:  
(15) 222 Memorial Dr. is the home of Dr. Charmaine Roye, a physician who provides abortion  
services;  
(16) 70 Ava Rd. is the home of Dr. James White, a physician who provides abortion services;  
(17) 221 Brant Ave. is the office of Dr. Charmaine Roye and Dr. Zohra Docrat;  
(18) 353 St. Paul Ave. is the office of Dr. James White;  
(19) Brantford General Hospital, 200 Terrace Hill St., is a hospital where abortion services are  
provided.  
Toronto:  
(20) 302 Gerrard St. East is the Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic, where abortion services are  
provided;  
(21) 597 Parliament St. is the Choice in Health Clinic, where abortion services are provided;  
(22) 157 Gerrard St. East is the Scott Clinic, where abortion services are provided.  
Kingston:  
(23) 50 Riverdale Dr., R.R. 1, is the home of Dr. Kenneth Millar, a physician who provides  
abortion services.  
II  
HISTORY OF ABORTION IN CANADA  
[6] A brief historical review of the legal treatment of abortion services in Canada is useful  
background to the instant dispute before reviewing the particular facts and the submissions of  
the parties.  
[7] Abortion has troubled almost all societies, including Canada: see L.W. Sumner, Abortion  
and Moral Theory (1981); Mollie Dunsmuir, “Abortion Constitutional and Legal  
Developments”, Library of Parliament, Research Branch, Current Issue Review 89-10E,  
November 29, 1989, revised October 15, 1992; Janine Brodie, Shelly A.M. Gavigan, and Jane  
Jensen, The Politics of Abortion (1992); Laurence H. Tribe, Abortion: Clash of Absolutes  
(1992); and Ronald Dworkin, Life’s Dominion; An Argument About Abortion, Euthanasia and  
Individual Freedom (1993). The subject-matter involves deeply held and diverse viewpoints  
concerning individual rights, the role of women in society, and fundamental societal  
responsibilities. In early 1989, the Criminal Code provisions governing abortion procedures  
were struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada in Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The  
Queen (1988), 44 D.L.R. (4th) 385, 37 C.C.C. (3d) 449, [1988] 1 S.C.R. 30. A new abortion  
bill (Bill C-43), was introduced in Parliament in late 1989 and the bill was defeated in the  
Senate by an unprecedented tied vote in January, 1991.  
[8] The Constitution Act, 1867, does not specifically assign “health” issues to one level of  
government: see P.W. Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada, 3rd ed. (Toronto: Carswell,  
1992), at pp. 476-7. The federal control over health is most often exercised as part of the  
specific federal power over “criminal law… including the procedure in criminal matters”  
(s. 91(27)). There is also the “federal spending power” of which the Canada Health Act,  
R.S.C.  
[9] 1985, c. C-6, is one of the best known examples. In return for compliance with certain  
broad principles with respect to health care, the federal government makes per capita  
payments to the provinces. This does not, however, give the federal government the right to  
regulate provincial health care directly.  
[10] The provincial jurisdiction over health issues involves the establishment, maintenance  
and management of hospitals as specifically provided for by s. 92(7) of the Constitution Act,  
1867. The courts have also accorded the provinces extensive jurisdiction over public health  
as a local and private matter under s. 92(16). The regulation of health stems from the  
provincial power over property and civil rights within the province under s. 92(13). However,  
the long-standing treatment of abortion has led to the general acceptance of federal  
jurisdiction to the extent that it may be desirable to prohibit abortions or establish the  
conditions under which they cannot be performed. Prohibition of an action for health or moral  
reasons is constitutionally associated with the criminal law. To the extent that it is desirable to  
regulate abortions or the conditions under which they can be performed, the jurisdiction to do  
so may also fall within provincial constitutional powers.  
[11] Historically, Canadian abortion law was modelled on the English approach whereby  
abortion was a common law offence and only criminal if it occurred after “quickening”.  
“Quickening” was taken to be when the mother herself felt or thought she felt movement  
within the womb, possibly between the 16th and the 20th week of a pregnancy. This was the  
case until the 19th century. The law on criminal abortion was first codified in England in 1803  
when the abortion of a quick foetus became a capital offence, while abortions performed prior  
to quickening incurred lesser penalties. In 1837, the distinction as to quickening was dropped,  
together with the death penalty. In 1861, the still current Offences Against the Person Act,  
1861 (U.K.), c. 100, was passed, providing that a woman procuring her own abortion was also  
guilty of a crime. The first Canadian criminal law on abortion was passed in 1869 and  
provided for a penalty of life imprisonment for the person procuring a miscarriage.  
[12] These statutes have been said to reflect societal and religious objectives as well as to  
protect the foetus and embrace concerns about a mother’s health. However, the 1861 British  
legislation made no provisions for concerns over a mother’s life or health. In 1938, the British  
Medical Association recommended that the law be revised to allow for therapeutic abortions  
in some circumstances. In the same year, a British doctor, Dr. Alec Bourne, reported to the  
authorities that he had, with the consent of her parents and for no fee, terminated the  
pregnancy of a 14-year-old girl who was violently raped by a number of soldiers. A test case  
ensued. In the course of his instructions to the jury, Mr. Justice Macnaghten directed that an  
abortion could be performed in good faith to protect the life and health of the mother, and that  
no clear distinction could be made between a threat to life and a threat to health: see R. v.  
Bourne, [1938] 3 All E.R. 615. See also Tribe, Abortion: Clash of Absolutes, supra, pp. 66-9.  
This statement of principle came to be known as the Bourne defence and was subsequently  
adopted by most common law jurisdictions. It would probably have been applicable in Canada  
prior to the adoption of a new abortion law in 1969.  
[13] Before considering the approach taken by Canada in 1969, it is instructive to  
appreciate that almost all countries were reviewing and amending their abortion laws in the  
1960s, and thereafter, for that matter. Over time, a great number of countries have  
established a variety of indicators which may be sufficient justification for a legal abortion. A  
continuum of these indicators, from the outright prohibition of abortion to its complete  
legalization, has been described in the following terms:  
• no indicator acceptable (abortion totally prohibited).  
• threat to the life of the woman.  
• threat to the physical health of the woman.  
• rape or incest.  
• foetal deformity.  
• threat to the mental or psychological health of the woman.  
• social or economic hardship.  
• no indicator necessary (abortion on request).  
See Dunsmuir, “Abortion: Constitutional and Legal Developments”, supra, at p. 4.  
[14] The United States changed its legal approach to abortion in the early 1970s but this  
occurred at the hands of its judiciary. In 1973, the Supreme Court of the United States  
delivered its judgment in Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973): see generally Tribe, Abortion:  
The Clash of Absolutes, supra; Tribe, American Constitutional Law, 2nd ed. (1988), at pp.  
1337-1412; Regan, “Rewriting Roe v. Wade” (1979), 77 Mich. L. Rev. 1569; Law, “Rethinking  
Sex and the Constitution” (1984), 132 U. Pa. L. Rev. 955. The court held that, while the foetus  
is not a “person” entitled to independent constitutional protection, the state does have an  
interest in protecting potential life. It held that during the first trimester, when abortion is less  
hazardous to a woman’s health than carrying a child to term, the state can only require that  
the procedure be performed by a licensed physician. During the second trimester, the state  
has a compelling interest in protecting the mother’s health and can regulate her access to  
abortion procedures in her own interest. During the third trimester, the interest of the state in  
preserving the foetus becomes compelling. This latter ruling is largely based on the premise  
that at this point the foetus becomes viable. However, viability is a medical and not a legal  
concept in the sense that it has not been held to generate independent foetal rights in the  
United States or Canada. See Roe v. Wade, supra, at pp. 156-7 and Stephen L. Carter, The  
Culture of Disbelief (1993), at p. 252; and see Tremblay v. Daigle (1989), 62 D.L.R. (4th) 634,  
[1989] 2 S.C.R. 530, 11 C.H.R.R. D/165, and R. v. Sullivan (1991), 63 C.C.C. (3d) 97, [1991]  
1 S.C.R. 489, 3 C.R. (4th) 277.  
[15] The Canadian government was feeling pressures for reform by the late 1960s.  
Twinned with the issue of birth control, more liberal access to safe and reliable abortion  
procedures became a strong reforming impulse. In The Politics of Abortion, supra, Professors  
Brodie, Gavigan and Jensen have described this period in these terms at p. 21:  
By the late 1960’s in many countries pressure was mounting for changes in the  
restrictions on abortion and the Canadian case can be seen as part of this post-war  
movement. Moreover, in these years, actors’ representation of the issue was often very  
similar: an alliance of social reformers and doctors advocating expanded access to  
contraception and the easing of abortion restrictions. In the interwar years effective  
methods of contraception had finally been developed and publicized and by the early  
1960’s the birth-control pill began to be marketed. Promoting the benefits of these  
technological changes was a social movement for birth-control reform, the family  
planning movement. This international movement, institutionalized after World War Two  
in the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), sought legalized  
contraception in order to allow families to achieve control over family size and the timing  
of their children, so as to improve the quality of life of both parents and children. As an  
international body, IPPF was also involved in the campaign to limit world population  
growth, as part of postwar planning for development of non-Western countries. Doctors  
and other health professionals were important leaders of the family planning movement,  
and some Protestant churches provided much needed legitimation of the new  
representation of contraception as a desirable practice.  
Supporters of the family planning movement addressed the issue of abortion as well  
because, in their discourse, lack of access to reliable methods of contraception was the  
root cause of the problem of illegal abortion. In every country the rate of illegal abortion  
was very high; one Canadian estimate was 33,000 in 1959 alone. Such abortions were  
extremely dangerous, often resulting in the deaths and even more frequently in  
permanent damage to women’s reproductive capacities. Technical improvements in  
medical care occurring through the interwar years and after 1945 substantially lowered  
maternal mortality, and made starkly visible the contribution of abortion to childbirth-  
related deaths. From the 1930s to the 1950s, maternal deaths declined dramatically and  
abortion-related deaths rose in both relative and absolute terms. Thus, there were  
substantial grounds for reformers to begin to represent the issue as an “abortion  
epidemic”.  
The family planning movement linked contraception and abortion by advocating legal  
contraception in order to eliminate resort to illegal and dangerous “backstreet abortions”.  
Many reformers recognized, however, that all methods to control conception were not  
100% reliable and contraceptive failure, as well as ignorance, rape, and incest, still  
made unwanted pregnancy a real possibility. Therefore, they often simultaneously  
sought legalization of abortion in order to guarantee safe procedures in such unfortunate  
situations.  
[16] The 1938 Bourne decision provided an important precedent by establishing the  
proposition that an abortion performed on a young woman whose pregnancy was judged to  
threaten her mental stability was medically necessary. However, the decision also created  
much ambiguity and uncertainty for doctors and their patients. Abortion was permissible  
provided the pregnancy threatened the life or healtheven the mental healthof the woman,  
but there was great uncertainty over the appropriate definition of “health”. Thus, doctors,  
because of their professional qualifications, assumed responsibility for determining whether a  
woman’s “health” was at risk. Doctors tried to clarify this ambiguity by consulting colleagues  
and obtaining second and third opinions. This consultation was often formalized in hospitals  
by setting up committees of doctors to review cases. By the early 1960s, these therapeutic  
abortion committees existed in many non-Catholic hospitals.  
[17] However, doctors still feared prosecution under the Criminal Code. As a result, most  
doctors did not perform abortions. “Backstreet abortions” performed in very unsatisfactory  
settings were, therefore, the norm, with occurrences estimated to range from 20,000 to  
120,000 per year. Unsurprisingly, the doctors who admitted to performing abortions were the  
ones who sought reform. It has been observed, however, that women, as an organized  
political force, did not play a significant role in this reform process and, therefore, women’s  
voices were not reflected in the amendments to the Canadian Criminal Code in 1969: see The  
Politics of Abortion, supra, at pp. 25-6.  
[18] With the amendments, the existing section making it an offence to procure the  
miscarriage of a pregnant female was retained, but new subsections were added. The most  
important new provision was s. 287(4), providing that criminal sanctions would not apply to a  
doctor performing an abortion or to a female obtaining one if the abortion had been previously  
approved by the therapeutic abortion committee of an accredited or approved hospital, and  
was also carried out in an accredited or approved hospital. The therapeutic abortion  
committee had to be comprised of at least three doctors, none of whom could at the same  
time perform abortions. The therapeutic abortion committee was required to certify in writing  
that, in the opinion of a majority of its members, the continuation of the pregnancy would or  
would be likely to endanger the life or health of the female. No further definition of “health”  
was given. The uncertainty therefore remained as to whether or not the word included mental  
or psychological health. Instead of defining the circumstances in which an abortion was  
permissible, Parliament decreed the abortion was legal if the therapeutic abortion committee  
said it was legal. In short, Parliament replaced judicial control after the fact with medical  
control before the fact.  
[19] The formal “medicalization” of abortion following 1969 produced its own set of access  
problems. There was increased access to safe abortions for many more women.  
Nevertheless, control over the abortion decision remained in the hands of doctors and  
hospitals and this produced its own uncertainty for women. Moreover, hospitals could choose  
not to provide abortion services simply by refusing to establish a therapeutic abortion  
committee. Indeed, many smaller hospitals did not have the resources to bring themselves  
within the requirements of the legislative scheme. In 1977, the Report of the Committee on  
the Operation of the Abortion Law, 1977 (the Badgley Report) commissioned by the federal  
government found access to abortion services uneven across Canada and that “the  
procedure provided in the Criminal Code for obtaining therapeutic abortions was in practice  
illusory for many Canadian women”: see Canada, Report of the Committee on the Operation  
of the Abortion Law, 1977 (the Badgley Report), at pp. 140-1.  
[20] The Report also found much concern among physicians over the definition of health  
and the lack of uniformity in the interpretation of the term. The potential scope of the term was  
best illustrated by the definition of the World Health Organization, which definition was  
recognized by the Government of Canada, several provincial governments and the Canadian  
Medical Association. It provided: “health is a state of complete physical, mental and social  
well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”. The committee expressed the  
view that this was an approach that might be reasonably taken in interpreting the abortion  
law.  
[21] There were also concerns, however, over how the issue of “consent” was being  
handled from jurisdiction to jurisdiction and hospital to hospital. The age at which a young  
unmarried woman was deemed capable of giving consent to medical care and treatment was  
itself uncertain, as was the need for the consent of the father. Thus, even if a therapeutic  
abortion committee formed the opinion that the life or health of the female was or was likely to  
be endangered by the pregnancy, it might further require that the parents of an unmarried  
minor or the husband of the woman should consent to the procedure. But in doing so, the  
committee would be denying a woman access to a legal abortion for reasons unrelated to the  
Criminal Code. Finally, there was the concern that the uneven availability of therapeutic  
abortion committees across the country constituted unequal access to a criminal defence.  
This inequality in the application of the criminal law was magnified to some extent by  
differences in provincial health regulation standards.  
[22] It is against this backdrop of problems that Dr. Henry Morgentaler began to challenge  
the law’s requirement of approval by a hospital committee. Dr. Morgentaler defied that  
requirement by establishing free-standing clinics, first in Quebec and then in Manitoba and  
Ontario. Because the clinics were not part of a hospital, Dr. Morgentaler was performing  
abortions without the approval of a therapeutic abortion committee contrary to s. 251 of the  
Criminal Code. Dr. Morgentaler, however, used the defence of necessity and argued that the  
Criminal Code established an unwieldy bureaucratic apparatus that prevented women from  
obtaining the medical care which he, as their doctor, considered they needed.  
[23] In 1975, the Supreme Court of Canada accepted that doctors might bypass the  
therapeutic abortion committee when they could show the abortion was necessary and it was  
impossible to comply with the requirements of the Criminal Code: see R. v. Morgentaler  
(1975), 53 D.L.R. (3d) 161, 20 C.C.C. (2d) 449, [1976] 1 S.C.R. 616. Therefore, at the time of  
the enactment of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, there was a  
fundamental difference between the United States and Canada in regulating access to  
abortions. In Canada, such decisions were to be made by physicians who were considered by  
Parliament to be better qualified than the courts. In the United States, Roe v. Wade, supra,  
permitted women to choose abortion pursuant to their constitutional right to privacy while  
recognizing a compelling state interest in the health of the mother during the second trimester  
and a state interest in preserving the foetus in the third trimester when it was deemed  
potentially viable. Unsurprisingly, upon the enactment of the Canadian Charter, this  
discrepancy was subjected to almost immediate judicial scrutiny.  
[24] In 1983, Dr. Morgentaler was charged with unlawfully procuring miscarriages in his  
Toronto clinic. The case eventually reached the Supreme Court of Canada and the issue  
placed before the court was whether the abortion provisions of the Criminal Code infringed  
unjustifiably a woman’s right to “life, liberty and security of the person” guaranteed by s. 7 of  
the Charter. Morgentaler Smoling and Scott v. The Queen, supra, takes the form of three  
different decisions forming the majority. However, all agreed that:  
(1) section 287 (then s. 251), of the Criminal Code infringed a woman’s right to security of the  
person;  
(2) the process by which a woman was deprived of that right was not in accordance with  
fundamental justice;  
(3) the state interest in protecting the foetus was sufficiently important to justify limiting  
individual Charter rights at some point; and  
(4) a pregnant woman’s right to security of the person was infringed more than was required  
to achieve the objective of protecting the foetus, and the means were not reasonable.  
[25] The court found that the legislation interfered with a woman’s security of the person in  
limiting, by criminal law, effective and timely access to medical services when her life or  
health was endangered. This criminalization was not in accordance with fundamental justice.  
For all of the reasons noted by the Badgley Committee, access to the certificate of a  
therapeutic abortion committee was not equally available across the country and, thus,  
neither was a valid defence to criminal charges. In addition, the procedure set out in the  
Criminal Code could cause extensive delays which could further endanger a woman’s life or  
health. It was fundamentally unjust to require a woman to impair her health in order to remain  
within the law.  
[26] Chief Justice Dickson found the abortion law infringed a woman’s security of the  
person by forcing her “to carry a foetus to term contrary to her own priorities and aspirations”,  
as well as causing delays which increased the physical and psychological trauma involved.  
Since the therapeutic abortion committees were “a strange breed, part medical committee  
and part legal committee”, it was no help to say that “health” was a medical term. He felt that  
the term “health” was insufficiently defined in the Criminal Code. A clear legal standard was  
necessary when the committee’s decision had such direct legal consequences. In  
commencing his decision, the Chief Justice noted at p. 393:  
In Morgentaler v. The Queen (1975), 20 C.C.C. (2d) 449 at p. 491 53 D.L.R (3d) 161 at  
p. 203, [1976] 1 S.C.R. 616 at p. 671, (hereinafter Morgentaler (1975)), I stressed that  
the court had “not been called upon to decide, or even to enter, the loud and continuous  
public debate on abortion”. Eleven years later, the controversy persists, and it remains  
true that this court cannot presume to resolve all of the competing claims advanced in  
vigorous and healthy public debate. Courts and legislatures and other democratic  
societies have reached completely contradictory decisions when asked to weigh the  
competing values relevant to the abortion question: see, e.g., Roe v. Wade 410  
U.S. 113 (1973); Paton v. United Kingdom (1980), 3 E.H.R.R. (European Court of  
Human Rights); The Abortion Decision of the Federal Constitutional CourtFirst  
Senateof the Federal Republic of Germany, February 25, 1975, translated and  
reprinted in (1976), 9 John Marshall J. Prac. and Proc. 605, and the Abortion Act, 1967  
(U.K.), c. 87.  
[27] While the Chief Justice accepted that s. 7 of the Charter does impose upon courts the  
duty to review the substance of legislation once it has been determined that the legislation  
infringes on an individual’s right to “life, liberty and security of the person”, he did not believe it  
was necessary for the court to tread “the fine line between substantive review and the  
adjudication of public policy” in the instant case. However, in concluding that s. 251 of the  
Criminal Code constituted a prima facie violation of the security of the person of thousands of  
Canadian women who have made the difficult decision that they do not wish to continue with  
the pregnancy, His Lordship wrote at p. 402:  
At the most basic physical and emotional level, every pregnant woman is told by the  
section that she cannot submit to a generally safe medical procedure that might be of  
clear benefit to her unless she meets criteria entirely unrelated to her own priorities and  
aspirations. Not only does the removal of decision making power threaten women in a  
physical sense; the indecision of knowing whether an abortion will be granted inflicts  
emotional stress. Section 251 clearly interferes with a woman’s bodily integrity in both a  
physical and emotional sense. Forcing a woman, by threat of criminal sanction, to carry  
a foetus to term unless she meets certain criteria unrelated to her own priorities and  
aspirations, is a profound interference with a woman’s body and thus a violation of  
security of the person. Section 251, therefore, is required by the Charter to comport with  
the principles of fundamental justice.  
Although this interference with physical and emotional integrity is sufficient in itself to  
trigger a review of s. 251 against the principles of fundamental justice, the operation of  
the decision making mechanism set out in s.251 creates additional glaring breaches of  
the security of the person. The evidence indicates that s. 251 causes a certain amount  
of delay for women who are successful in meeting its criteria. In the context of abortion,  
any unnecessary delay can have profound consequences on the woman’s physical and  
emotional well-being.  
[28] The Chief Justice elaborated at p. 403 on the problem of delay in the context of  
abortion;  
These periods of delay may not seem unduly long, but in the case of abortion, the  
implications of any delay, according to the evidence, are potentially devastating. The  
first factor to consider is that different medical techniques are employed to perform  
abortions at different stages of pregnancy. The testimony of expert doctors at trial  
indicated that in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, the relatively safe and simple suction  
dilation and curettage method of abortion is typically used in North America. From the  
13th to the 16th week, the more dangerous dilation and evacuation procedure is  
performed, although much less often in Canada than in the United States. From the 16th  
week of pregnancy, the instillation method is commonly employed in Canada. This  
method requires the intra-amniotic introduction of prostaglandin urea, or a saline  
solution, which causes a woman to go into labour, giving birth to a foetus which is  
usually dead, but not invariably so. The uncontroverted evidence showed that each  
method of abortion progressively increases risks to the woman: see, e.g., Tyler et al.,  
“Second Trimester Induced Abortion in the United States” [in Gary S. Berger, William  
Brenner and Louis Keith, eds., Second-Trimester Abortions: Perspectives After a  
Decade of Experience], Case on Appeal, Vol. XXII, at p. 4601.  
[29] The Chief Justice found it was not necessary to evaluate the substantive content of  
s. 251 in considering the principles of fundamental justice. Rather, this section was  
fundamentally procedurally flawed in the Chief Justice’s view, given the uneven availability of  
the procedures stipulated by the Criminal Code across Canada and the absence of any clear  
legal standard to be applied by the committee in reaching its decision. In this respect, he  
hypothesized the case of a pregnant married woman who wished to apply for a therapeutic  
abortion certificate because she feared that her psychological health would be impaired  
seriously if she earned the foetus to term. The Chief Justice at pp. 412-13 wrote:  
The uncontroverted evidence reveals that there are many areas in Canada where such  
a woman would simply not have access to a therapeutic abortion. She may live in an  
area where no hospital has four doctors; no therapeutic abortion committee can be  
created. Equally, she may live in a place where the treatment functions of the nearby  
hospitals do not satisfy the definition of “accredited hospital” in s. 251(6). Or she may  
live in a province where the provincial government has imposed such stringent  
requirements on hospitals seeking to create therapeutic abortion committees that no  
hospital can qualify. Alternatively, our hypothetical woman may confront a therapeutic  
abortion committee in her local hospital which defines “health” in purely physical terms  
or which refuses to countenance abortions for married women. In each of these cases, it  
is the administrative structures and procedures established by s.251 itself that would in  
practice prevent the woman from gaining the benefit of the defence held out to her in  
s. 251(4).  
[30] Upon examining the particular balance struck between the priorities and aspirations of  
pregnant women and the government’s interests in the protection of the foetus, s. 251 could  
not be saved by s. 1 of the Charter. The Chief Justice had no difficulty in concluding that the  
objective of s. 251 to balance the competing interests identified by Parliament was sufficiently  
important, thus meeting the requirements of the first step in the Oakes inquiry under s. 1 [see,  
infra]. He accepted that the protection of the interests of pregnant women was a valid  
government objective, where life and health can be jeopardized by criminal sanctions.  
Moreover, like Beetz and Wilson JJ., he agreed that protection of foetal interests by  
Parliament was also a valid government objective. In this respect, he concluded at p. 416:  
It follows that balancing these interests, with the lives and health of women a major  
factor, is clearly an important governmental objective. As the Court of Appeal stated,  
“the contemporary view [is] that abortion is not always socially undesirable behaviour” [at  
p. 365 C.C.C., p. 654 D.L.R.].  
[31] However, the Chief Justice was equally convinced that the means chosen to advance  
the legislative objectives of s. 251 did not satisfy any of the three elements of the  
proportionality component of R. v. Oakes (1986), 26 D.L.R. (4th) 200, 24 C.C.C. (3d) 321,  
[1986] 1 S.C.R. 103.  
[32] He concluded at p. 417:  
I conclude, therefore, that the cumbersome structure of s-s. (4) not only unduly  
subordinates the s. 7 rights of pregnant women but may also defeat the value  
Parliament itself has established as paramount, namely, the life and health of the  
mother. As I have noted, counsel for the Crown did contend that one purpose of the  
procedures required by s-s. (4) is to protect the interests of the foetus. State protection  
of foetal interests may well be deserving of constitutional recognition under s. 1. Still,  
there can be no escape from the fact that Parliament has failed to establish either a  
standard or a procedure whereby any such interests might prevail over those of the  
woman in a fair and non-arbitrary fashion.  
[33] Beetz J. held that in adopting the 1969 abortion law, Parliament had recognized the  
interest in the life or health of the pregnant woman took precedence over the interest in  
preventing abortions. The standard in the 1969 abortion law became entrenched as a  
minimum when s. 7 of the Charter was enacted. He stated at p. 456:  
The gist of s. 251(4) is, as I have said, that the objective of protecting the foetus is not of  
sufficient importance to defeat the interest in protecting pregnant women from  
pregnancies which represent a danger to life or health.  
[34] Beetz J. found the expression “would or would be likely to endanger her life or health”  
sufficiently precise as a matter of law. He also held, as did Wilson J., that “the primary  
objective of the impugned legislation must be seen as the protection of the foetus”, whereas  
the Chief Justice had identified the objective as balancing foetal interests with those of  
pregnant women. At p. 421, His Lordship found that “security of the person” within the  
meaning of s. 7 must include a right of access to medical treatment for a condition  
representing a danger to life or health without fear of criminal sanction. If an Act of Parliament  
forces a pregnant woman whose life or health is in danger to choose between, on the one  
hand, the commission of a crime to obtain effective and timely treatment and, on the other  
hand, inadequate treatment or no treatment at all, Beetz J. was satisfied that her right to  
security of the person had been violated. He went on to find that the procedural requirements  
of s. 251 of the Criminal Code significantly delayed a pregnant woman’s access to medical  
treatment resulting in an additional danger to her health, thereby depriving her of her right to  
security of the person. Moreover, this deprivation did not accord with the principles of  
fundamental justice. In this respect, His Lordship concluded (p. 421):  
While Parliament is justified in requiring a reliable, independent and medically sound  
opinion as to the “life or health” of the pregnant woman in order to protect the state  
interest in the foetus, and while any such statutory mechanism will inevitably result in  
some delay, certain of the procedural requirements of s. 251 of the Criminal Code are  
nevertheless manifestly unfair. These requirements are manifestly unfair in that they are  
unnecessary in respect of Parliament’s objectives in establishing the administrative  
structure and that they result in additional risk to the health of pregnant women.  
VThe primary objective of s. 251 of the Criminal Code is the protection of the foetus.  
The protection of the life and health of the pregnant woman is an ancillary objective. The  
primary objective does relate to concerns which are pressing and substantial in a free  
and democratic society and which, pursuant to s. 1 of the Charter, justify reasonable  
limits to be put on a woman’s right. However, rules unnecessary in respect of the  
primary and ancillary objectives which they are designed to serve, such as some of the  
rules contained in s. 251, cannot be said to be rationally connected to these objectives  
under s. 1 of the Charter. Consequently, s. 251 does not constitute a reasonable limit to  
the security of the person.  
[35] Beetz J. found the evidence revealed that the delays caused by s. 251(4) resulted in  
three broad types of additional medical risks. The risk of postoperative complications  
increased with delay. There was the risk that a pregnant woman would require a more  
dangerous abortion procedure because of delay. There was also additional psychological  
trauma for any woman who knows her life or health is in danger. In reply to the argument that  
the complication rate across Canada was low and that the mortality rate reported since 1974  
was negligible, at p. 437, His Lordship observed:  
It should be noted, however, that reported complication rates for any given abortion  
technique are generally limited to certain post-operative physical complications and do  
not include data on psychological complications inherent to those techniques.  
Furthermore, the psychological trauma that women suffer before the operation is not  
reflected in reported figures. This is equally true for any physical complications  
associated with the pregnant woman’s initially dangerous condition which may arise  
during the delay before the therapeutic abortion.  
However low the post-operative complication rate may appear, it increases as  
gestational age advances. In other words, with each passing week of pregnancy, even  
in the very early stages, the risk to health that an abortion represents increases.  
[36] His Lordship went on to find that the significant delay in obtaining therapeutic abortions  
caused by s. 251(4) violated a pregnant woman’s security of the person having regard to the  
fact that such delays increased the risk of postoperative complications and increased  
psychological trauma. Beetz J. did not agree with Chief Justice Dickson that the standard of  
endangerment to life or health was inappropriate or too uncertain. Moreover, just as the  
expression of the standard in s. 251(4)(c) did not offend the principles of fundamental justice,  
neither did the requirement that an independent medical opinion be obtained for a therapeutic  
abortion to be lawful (p. 442). Nevertheless, the other rules in s. 251(4) were found to be  
manifestly unfair because they were not necessary to ensure Parliament’s objectives. In  
elaborating on this point, Beetz J. stated at p. 444:  
While a second medical opinion is very often seen as necessary in medical circles when  
difficult questions as to a patient’s life or health are at issue, the independent opinion  
called for by the Criminal Code has a different purpose. Parliament requires this  
independent opinion because it is not only the woman’s interest that is at stake in a  
decision to authorize an abortion. The Ontario Court of Appeal alluded to this at pp.  
377-8 C.C.C., p. 666 D.L.R., when it stated that “[o]ne cannot overlook the fact that the  
situation respecting a woman’s right to control her own person becomes more complex  
when she becomes pregnant, and that some statutory control may be appropriate”. The  
presence of the foetus accounts for this complexity. By requiring an independent  
medical opinion that the pregnant woman’s life or health is in fact endangered,  
Parliament seeks to ensure that, in any given case, only therapeutic reasons will justify  
the decision to abort. The amendments to the Criminal Code in 1969 amounted to a  
recognition by Parliament, as I have said, that the interest in the life or health of the  
pregnant woman takes precedence over the interest of the state in the protection of the  
foetus when the continuation of the pregnancy would or would be likely to endanger the  
pregnant woman’s life or health. Parliament decided that it was necessary to ascertain  
this from a medical point of view before the law would allow the interest of the pregnant  
woman to indeed take precedence over that of the foetus and permit an abortion to be  
performed without criminal sanction.  
[37] His Lordship continued at p. 445:  
The assertion that an independent medical opinion, distinct from that of the pregnant  
woman and her practising physician, does not offend the principles of fundamental  
justice would need to be reevaluated if a right of access to abortion is founded upon the  
right to “liberty” in s. 7 of the Charter. I am of the view that there would still be  
circumstances in which the state interest in the protection of the foetus would require an  
independent medical opinion as to the danger to the life or health of the pregnant  
woman. Assuming without deciding that a right of access to abortion can be founded  
upon the right to “liberty”, there would be a point in time at which the state interest in the  
foetus would become compelling. From this point in time, Parliament would be entitled to  
limit abortions to those required for therapeutic reasons and therefore require an  
independent opinion as to the health exception. The case-law reveals a substantial  
difference of opinion as to the state interest in the protection of the foetus as against the  
pregnant woman’s right to liberty. Madam Justice Wilson for example, in her discussion  
of s. 1 of the Charter in the case at bar, notes the following, [post, p. 499]:  
“The precise point in the development of the foetus at which the state’s interest in  
its protection becomes ‘compelling’ I leave to the informed judgment of the  
legislature which is in a position to receive guidance on the subject from all the  
relevant disciplines. It seems to me, however, that it would fall somewhere in the  
second trimester.”  
[38] Wilson J. agreed that the 1969 abortion law exposed a pregnant woman to a threat to  
her physical and psychological security. She noted, however, that security of the person might  
involve more than physical and psychological security and she based her judgment on the  
right to liberty as well as the right to security of the person. According to Wilson J., the right to  
liberty contained in s. 7 “guarantees to every individual a degree of personal autonomy over  
important decisions intimately affecting their private lives”, including the decision to terminate  
a pregnancy. She went on to note, however, that the state is required only to respect such  
decisions, or to refrain from interfering with them, not to approve or facilitate them.  
[39] Wilson J. found that the 1969 abortion law was not in accordance with the principles of  
fundamental justice, but her reasons differed from that of the Chief Justice and Beetz J. She  
held that deciding whether or not to terminate a pregnancy was “essentially a moral decision,  
a matter of conscience”. To criminalize such a decision was, she decided, a violation of  
freedom of conscience, which is protected by s. 2(a) of the Charter. Therefore, it could not be  
in accordance with fundamental justice. She agreed, however, that legislation putting  
reasonable limits on a pregnant woman’s rights under s. 7 or s. 2(a) could be justified under  
s. 1 of the Charter for the objective of protecting the foetus. While recognizing that a foetus is  
potential life from the moment of conception, she felt that “in balancing the state’s interest in  
the protection of the foetus as potential life under s. 1 of the Charter against the right of the  
pregnant woman under s. 7 greater weight should be given to the state’s interest in the later  
stages of pregnancy than in the earlier” (p. 499).  
[40] Wilson J. felt that the heart of the appeal was whether a pregnant woman can, as a  
constitutional matter, be compelled by law to carry the foetus to term. She felt that if a  
pregnant woman cannot be compelled by law to carry the foetus to term against her will, a  
review of the procedural requirements by which she may be compelled to do so was  
pointless.  
[41] Holding that the decision of a woman to terminate her pregnancy falls within the class  
of protected decisions embraced by the right to liberty contained in s. 7 of the Charter, at pp.  
490-91, Madam Justice Wilson stated:  
The question then becomes whether the decision of a woman to terminate her  
pregnancy falls within this class of protected decisions. I have no doubt it does. This  
decision is one that will have profound psychological, economic and social  
consequences for the pregnant woman. The circumstances giving rise to it can be  
complex and varied and there may be, and usually are, powerful considerations  
militating in opposite directions. It is a decision that deeply reflects the way the woman  
thinks about herself and her relationship to others and to society at large. It is not just a  
medical decision; it is a profound social and ethical one as well. Her response to it will  
be the response of the whole person.  
It is probably impossible for a man to respond, even imaginatively, to such a dilemma  
not just because it is outside the realm of his personal experience (although this is, of  
course, the case) but because he can relate to it only by objectifying thereby eliminating  
the subjective elements of the female psyche which are at the heart of the dilemma. As  
Noreen Burrows (lecturer in European law at the University of Glasgow) has pointed out  
in her essay on “International Law and Human Rights: the Case of Women’s Rights”, in  
Human Rights: From Rhetoric to Reality, the history of the struggle for human rights  
from the 18th century on has been the history of men struggling to assert their dignity  
and common humanity against an overbearing state apparatus. The more recent  
struggle for women’s rights has been a struggle to eliminate discrimination, to achieve a  
place for women in a man’s world, to develop a set of legislative reforms in order to  
place women in the same position as men (pp. 81-2). It has not been a struggle to  
define the rights of women in relation to their special place in the societal structure and  
in relation to the biological distinction between the two sexes. Thus, women’s needs and  
aspirations are only now being translated into protected rights. The right to reproduce or  
not to reproduce which is in issue in this case is one such right and is properly perceived  
as an integral part of modern women’s struggle to assert her dignity and worth as a  
human being.  
[42] Accepting that the primary objective of the legislation was the protection of the foetus  
and agreeing that this was a perfectly valid legislative objective, Wilson J. concluded the  
legislation did not meet the proportionality test set out in Oakes and could not be saved under  
s. 1.  
[43] In accepting that s. 1 of the Charter authorizes reasonable limits to be put upon the  
woman’s right having regard to the fact of the developing foetus within her body, Wilson J.  
explained the issue to be (p. 498):  
The question is: at what point in the pregnancy does the protection of the foetus become  
such a pressing and substantial concern as to outweigh the fundamental right of the  
woman to decide whether or not to carry the foetus to term? At what point does the  
state’s interest in the protection of the foetus become “compelling” and justify state  
intervention in what is otherwise a matter purely personal and private concern?  
[44] Carrying on at pp. 499-500, Wilson J. provided her own answer to these questions in  
writing:  
As Professor Sumner points out, both traditional approaches to abortion, the so-called  
“liberal” and “conservative” approaches, fail to take account of the essentially  
developmental nature of the gestation process. A developmental view of the foetus, on  
the other hand, supports a permissive approach to abortion in the early stages of  
pregnancy and a restrictive approach in the later stages. In the early stages the  
woman’s autonomy would be absolute; her decision, reached in consultation with her  
physician, not to carry the foetus to term would be conclusive. The state would have no  
business inquiring into her reasons. Her reasons for having an abortion would, however,  
be the proper subject of inquiry at the later stages of her pregnancy when the state’s  
compelling interest in the protection would justify it in prescribing conditions. The precise  
point in the development of the foetus at which the state’s interest in its protection  
becomes “compelling” I leave to the informed judgment of the legislature which is in a  
position to receive guidance on the subject from all the relevant disciplines. It seems to  
me, however, that it might fall somewhere in the second trimester. Indeed, according to  
Professor Sumner (p. 159), a differential abortion policy with a time limit in the second  
trimester is already in operation in the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy,  
Sweden, the Soviet Union, China, India, Japan and most of the countries of Eastern  
Europe although the time limits vary in these countries from the beginning to the end of  
the second trimester (cf. Issacs, Stephen L., “Reproductive Rights 1983: An International  
Survey” (1982-83), 14 Columbia Human Rights L. Rev. 311, with respect to France and  
Italy).  
[45] All of the majority decisions specifically noted that the court had not been asked to  
decide whether a foetus is included in the word “everyone” in s. 7 and would therefore have  
an independent right to “life, liberty and security of the person”. The question of possible  
foetal rights under the Charter was addressed in Borowski v. Canada (Attorney-General)  
(1989), 57 D.L.R. (4th) 231, 47 C.C.C. (3d) 1, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 342. Mr. Borowski had argued  
that s. 7 of the Charter gave a foetus an independent right to life because the word “everyone”  
included the foetus, and that the 1969 abortion law therefore violated the foetal rights by  
allowing abortions. Obviously, independent foetal rights are very different from the societal  
right to protect the foetus recognized in Morgentaler. In Borowski, supra, the Saskatchewan  
Court of Appeal concluded that the foetus had never been a person or part of “everyone” in  
Anglo-Canadian law, and that had Parliament wished to effect such a major departure from  
tradition as creating foetal rights, it would have used very clear and unambiguous language  
[39 D.L.R. (4th) 731, 33 C.C.C. (3d) 402, 59 C.R. (3d) 233]. Mr. Borowski’s appeal to the  
Supreme Court of Canada was considered to be moot following the decision in Morgentaler.  
[46] During the summer of 1989, several men in Ontario, Manitoba and Quebec took their  
former female companions to court, requesting injunctions to prevent the women’s planned  
abortions. In Ontario and Manitoba, the women involved were able to obtain abortions: see  
Diamond v. Hirsch, [1989] M J. No. 377 (Man. Q.B.), and Murphy v. Dodd (1989), 63 D.L.R.  
(4th) 515, 70 O.R. (2d) 681, 18 A.C.W.S. (3d) 651 (H.C.J.). But in Quebec three of the five  
judges in the Court of Appeal upheld an injunction against Miss Chantal Daigle. The majority  
of the court relied on both the Civil Code of Lower Canada and the Quebec Charter of Human  
Rights and Freedoms. The Supreme Court of Canada reversed the Court of Appeal decision  
in Tremblay v. Daigle, supra, and found that a foetus is not a person or a “human being”  
under the Quebec Charter. The Civil Code of Lower Canada did not generally recognize that  
a foetus is a juridical person, although the foetus was sometimes treated similarly to a person  
where it was necessary to protect the foetus’ interests after birth or to conserve property  
which would accrue to it after birth. If the Quebec Legislature wished to grant foetuses right to  
life, it would not have used language so uncertain or vague. As for a “father’s rights”, the court  
noted that no court in Quebec or elsewhere had ever accepted the argument that “a father’s  
interest in a foetus which he helped create could support a right to veto a woman’s decisions  
in respect of the foetus she is carrying” (p. 665). Nevertheless, the court in Daigle declined to  
decide whether a foetus is included within the term “everyone” as used in s. 7 of the Canadian  
Charter and, therefore, has a right to “life, liberty and security of the person”. In this respect,  
the Supreme Court concluded its analysis in stating at p. 663:  
It should be noted that because of the way we have decided the question of “foetal  
rights”, it was unnecessary to consider the second aspect of the “substantive rights”  
argument, i.e., the claim that even if foetal rights do exist they could not justify  
compelling a woman to carry a foetus to term.  
[47] The argument referred to was based on “the long-standing legal principle that a person  
may not be compelled to use his or her body at the service of another person, even if the  
other person’s life is in danger” (at p. 646).  
[48] Following the Morgentaler decision in early 1988, some provinces attempted to limit  
funding for abortions. The absence of a federal abortion law, thus, had an impact on a variety  
of forums. Provincial reaction varied. Abortion was a decision between a woman and her  
doctor in Nova Scotia, Quebec, Ontario, British Columbia and the Northwest Territories. In  
contrast, Newfoundland replaced its therapeutic abortion committees with the requirement  
that women seeking an abortion must do so within the first 12 weeks of pregnancy and only  
after seeking counsel from a psychiatrist, gynaecologist, social worker, and registered nurse.  
New Brunswick and Alberta required referrals from two doctors while Saskatchewan required  
the referral of one doctor in counselling. Finally, the Prince Edward Island government passed  
a motion condemning abortion in the province but indicated that it would fund out-of-province  
abortions if a woman first obtained the approval of five doctors.  
[49] The province of British Columbia, however, did enact a regulation (Medical Service Act  
Regulations, C.R.B.C. Reg. 144/68 (am. B.C. Reg. 221/88), under the Medical Service Act,  
R.S.B.C. 1979, c. 255), making abortions an uninsured service unless performed in a  
hospital, when a significant threat existed to the pregnant woman’s life. The British Columbia  
Supreme Court declared the regulation ultra vires the statute under which it had been  
enacted: see British Columbia Civil Liberties Assn. v. British Columbia (Attorney-General)  
(1988), 49 D.L.R. (4th) 493, [1988] 4 W.W.R. 100, 24 B.C.L.R. (2d) 189.  
[50] In June, 1989, the Nova Scotia Legislature passed an Act to restrict the privatization of  
medical services (Medical Services Act, S.N.S. 1989, c. 9, and Medical Services Designation  
Regulation, N.S. Reg. 152/89), which proposed a range of medical procedures, to be set by  
regulation, which could be performed only in hospitals. The stated purpose of the Act was “to  
prohibit the privatization of the provision of certain medical services in order to maintain a  
single high-quality health-care delivery system for all Nova Scotians”. One of the procedures  
restricted to hospitals under the subsequent regulations was abortion. As well as stating that  
the medical services performed contrary to the Act were not reimbursable by the provincial  
health program, the Act provided for a fine from $10,000 to $50,000 to be levied against  
persons contravening the Act. Although the regulations to the Nova Scotia Medical Services  
Act covered other procedures as well as abortion, it was widely considered that the timing of  
the legislation was influenced by Dr. Morgentaler’s public announcements that he intended to  
establish an abortion clinic in Halifax.  
[51] On October 26, 1989, Dr. Morgentaler announced at a press conference that he had  
performed seven abortions at his Halifax clinic that day. On October 27, 1989, an information  
was sworn charging him with seven counts of performing unlawful abortions contrary to the  
Medical Services Act When Dr. Morgentaler announced his intention of continuing to perform  
abortions, the province obtained an injunction restraining him from further violations of the  
Medical Services Act On the trial of the charge itself, however, a provincial court judge found  
the Medical Services Act and the regulations made pursuant to it were truly criminal law and,  
thus, beyond the jurisdiction of the province and invalid. More specifically, it was found that  
the law was enacted primarily to control and restrict abortions within the province. By  
judgment rendered September 30, 1993, the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the decision  
of the trial judge and dismissed the appeal: see R. v. Morgentaler (1993), 107 D.L.R. (4th)  
537, 85 C.C.C. (3d) 118, [1993] 3 S.C.R. 463.  
[52] The Province of New Brunswick, shortly after the 1988 Morgentaler decision, indicated  
that it would pay for an abortion only when two doctors certified that it was a medical  
necessity and when it was performed in a provincially accredited hospital by an obstetrician or  
a gynaecologist. Court action arose when the province refused payment to Dr. Morgentaler  
after three New Brunswick women obtained an abortion at his Montreal clinic. Dr. Morgentaler  
challenged the government’s action and requested that the court order the province to pay.  
The New Brunswick Court of Queen’s Bench agreed with Dr. Morgentaler in April, 1989  
(Morgentaler v. New Brunswick (Attorney-General) (1989), 38 Admin. L.R. 280, 98 N.B.R.  
(2d) 45, 15 A.C.W.S. (3d) 67, thereby allowing women in the province to obtain an abortion  
elsewhere and have it covered by the provincial medical insurance scheme.  
[53] Legislative manoeuvres were coupled with a sustained attack on free-standing abortion  
clinics by pro-life groups, primarily in Vancouver and Toronto. Pro-life groups began a  
crusade of civil disobedience by way of what was called “Operation Rescue”. Operation  
Rescue began in late 1989 and appears to have been directed principally against  
Everywoman’s Health Clinic, British Columbia’s first free-standing abortion clinic, and the  
Scott and Morgentaler Clinics in Toronto. Essentially this new pro-life strategy consisted of  
blocking the entrance to the free-standing clinics so that women seeking abortions could not  
enter. The tactic inevitably brought in the police to break up the blockade, and resulted in  
court injunctions ordering the protestors to desist these practices, and subsequently the  
repeated defiance of those court orders by pro-life activists. This activity followed a somewhat  
similar pattern to earlier events in the United States. Professor Dallas Blanchard, Associate  
Professor and Chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of  
West Florida, filed an affidavit in these proceedings. At para. 42 of his affidavit, he begins:  
The earliest actions of the anti-abortion movement (prior to 1973) were mild, focusing on  
the education of church congregations and the general public and on somewhat weak  
lobbying campaigns to counter the movement for reform and repeal. All of these efforts  
were conducted under the assumption that most Americans held the viewwhether  
expressed or unexpressedthat abortion was simply wrong. With the success of the  
campaigns in numerous states to liberalize abortion laws, anti-abortion activists learned  
that their assumption had been wrongthey could not even count on Catholic  
legislators to be on their sideand began to seek services of support.  
As the mood in the movement became more strident, its tactics became more  
aggressive, as some organizations and/or individuals opted for picketing, blockading,  
bombing, arson, and, in one instance to date, outright murder…  
With the Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton decisions in February, 1973, the national  
movement began in earnest. The National Conference of Catholic Bishops had  
established their Family Life Bureau in 1967 as the pro-choice movement was gathering  
momentum in various states. After the Supreme Court decisions, that group quickly  
moved to support and organize the National Right to Life Committee (1973), which,  
while predominantly Catholic and highly dependent on Catholic funding, is  
inter-denominational. Its initial goal was to have Congress pass a Human Life  
Amendment to the Constitution. Various degrees of activism have since arisen.  
Perhaps the mildest form of protest is the annual vigil called Life Chain which arose  
across the United States about 1990. By 1992 some 700 communities were sites for Life  
Chains. These usually involved several thousand persons gathering in lines along long  
major thoroughfares around a heavy traffic intersection to form a human cross and  
carrying anti-abortion placards.  
Again, the general failure of the educational and lobbying efforts mentioned above led to  
an increase in the activism of the anti-abortion movement beyond relatively passive  
vigils. In 1980, for example, Joseph Scheidler established his Pro-Life Action League  
(PLAL), which sponsors picketing and other disruptive activities at clinics. Scheidler’s  
book, Closed: 99 Ways to Stop Abortion, while disclaiming support for illegal activities,  
describes a number of them. It promotes some of the more dramatic picketing tactics,  
such as the display of full-colour-pictures of late abortions or stillbirths on posters,  
buckets of dolls coated with red paint, and thousands of stolen foetuses. He advocates  
picketing the homes of clinic workers, tracing  
patients through their licence plates and accosting them, their families, and their  
neighbours at home, jamming clinic telephone lines so patients cannot make  
appointments and calling people at their homes through the night  
The failure of extreme violence to have a significant impact on abortion resulted in the  
organization of Operation Rescue in 1987. The organization’s tactics—which focus on  
invading and blockading clinics in concerting efforts over a period of weeks or months—  
lay somewhere between the “mild” violence of stink bombs and glue in locks and the  
extreme violence of arsons and bombings. Organization founder Randall Terry counsels  
against the use of violence at this time because it is “counter-productive,” but he has  
said, “I believe in violence”. Other tactics have included selective boycotts.  
Operation Rescue activists who have sought arrest have profiles similar to those of the  
picketers, with occupations that give them time to serve jail sentences and to travel to  
distant cities…  
The next level of symbolic actions, such as picketing physicians’ homes, demonstrating  
against them in airports as they depart and arrive, and picketing patients’ homes affect  
the availability of abortion. These actions inhibit women from seeking abortions for fear  
of exposure, and they inhibit physicians from performing abortions. It is particularly  
inhibitive on the availability of abortion services in rural communities. Abortion services  
are available in only 17 percent of the nation’s counties and virtually all are in urban  
centres.  
[54] Professor Laurence H. Tribe, in his book, Abortion: Clash of Absolutes (1992), at pp.  
171-2 writes in a similar vein:  
Perhaps the most interesting abortion-related phenomenon that arose by the time of the  
1988 presidential election was the development by pro-life groups of more aggressive  
methods to try to stop legal abortion. Their tactics have included picketing clinics and the  
homes of clinic staffs, shouting at women who seek abortions, pelting pregnant  
teenagers with plastic replicas of fetuses, harassing clinic employees, chaining  
themselves to doors, and lying motionless in streets and driveways. Some have sought  
to intimidate women seeking abortions by setting up sham “counseling” centers. These  
centers, rather than provide the counseling they advertise, have traumatized  
unsuspecting pregnant women with films of abortions and with pro-life literature  
graphically depicting aborted fetuses. Such centres have been known to counsel women  
falsely that abortion often leads to death, disease, insanity and sterility…  
For many women and teenage girls, Operation Rescue’s blockades have turned the  
experience of seeking an abortion into a nightmare of jeering demonstrators, a spectacle  
that in turn attracts the added horror of media coverage of this intensely personal  
decision. Pro-choice advocates, including NARAL have responded by providing escort  
services and support for women who seek to enter abortion clinics. Clinics have also  
countered by filing law suits against Operation Rescue, some of them successful, but  
these actions have thus far been foiled by the refusal of the movement’s organizers to  
pay out on adverse court judgments and by the success of the organizers so far in  
concealing their financial assets. In the name of life, clinics continue to be fire bombed  
and terrified pregnant women continue to be assaulted.  
[55] The vacillation on the part of American protestors between violent and non-violent  
activities culminated in the murders of three abortion service providers, one in 1993 and two  
in July, 1994, all in Pensacola, Florida.  
[56] A very recent development in the United States has been the acknowledgment by the  
United States Supreme Court that the “Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations”  
(RICO) chapter of the Organized Crime Control Act of 1970, 18 U.S.C. 1961-8, can apply to  
an alleged nationwide conspiracy to shut down abortion clinics through a pattern of  
“racketeering” activity. In National Organization for Women, Inc. v. Joseph Scheidler, 114  
S. Ct. 798 (1994), the Supreme Court of the United States held that RICO does not require  
proof that either the racketeering enterprise or the predicate acts of racketeering need be  
motivated by an economic purpose. The potential application of this statute is seen as a  
victory for pro-choice forces in the United States who seek to hold pro-life advocates  
accountable for destructive clinic protests. These protests claimed to be a manifestation of the  
advocacy and support of key pro-life organizations and individuals. Similarly, in June, 1994,  
the United States Supreme Court upheld an injunction surrounding a Florida abortion clinic,  
recognizing the profound medical and privacy interests involved therein: see Madsen v.  
Women’s Health Centre Inc., 1994 U.S. Lexis 5087 (June 30, 1994).  
[57] Events involving protests outside of abortion clinics in Canada are chronicled in several  
Canadian decisions: see Morgentaler v. Wiche, an unreported decision of Craig J. dated May  
5, 1989 [summarized 22 A.C.W.S. (3d) 344 (Ont. S.C.)]; Assad v. Cambridge Right to Life  
(1989), 69 O.R. (2d) 598, 16 A.C.W.S. (3d) 336 (S.C.); Everywoman’s Health Centre Society  
(1988) v. Bridges (1990), 78 D.L.R. (4th) 529, 62 C.C.C. (3d) 455, 54 B.C.L.R. (2d) 273  
(C.A.); and Canadian Urban Equities Ltd. v. Direct Action For Life (1990), 68 D.L.R. (4th) 109,  
73 Alta. L.R. (2d) 367, 104 A.R. 358 (Q.B.), and 70 D.L.R. (4th) 691, 74 Alta. L.R. (2d) 145,  
106 A.R. 298 (Q.B.). None of these cases, however, involved government action and a direct  
consideration of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.  
[58] Dr. Henry Morgentaler has filed an affidavit in these proceedings. He is now 70 years  
of age and is a survivor of the German concentration camps, Auschwitz and Dachau, and the  
Jewish Ghetto in Lodz which was created by the Germans during the Second World War. He  
describes his experience with harassment activity at clinics which began in 1984 when he  
reopened his Toronto clinic following his trial and acquittal under s. 251 of the Criminal Code.  
The picketing began at his Toronto clinic located at 85 Harbord St. in 1984 and continued  
unabated until May, 1989, when he obtained a private injunction in respect of that location.  
Describing events from 1984 until 1989, Dr. Morgentaler states:  
The clinic was besieged on a daily basis by protestors and demonstrators who  
attempted to dissuade patients, who wanted to have an abortion, from doing so.  
The number of persons who ordinarily attended on a daily basis carrying out these and  
similar activities was perhaps half a dozen. They paraded with signs bearing various  
slogans intended to discourage patients from undertaking the abortion procedure and  
attempted to engage in confrontation and dispute with the patients seeking this medical  
procedure.  
Some of the signs carried by the demonstrators bore inscriptions “Remember  
Auschwitz”, “Abortion Kills”, “They Are Killing Babies Here”, “Sue the Abortionist for  
Complications”. All of these signs are personally offensive to me for reasons that are  
obvious.  
(b) Verbal and Physical Confrontation  
On a regular basis, patients were followed by the picketers along the lane way into the  
rear entrance of the clinic and harangued verbally with exhortations not to come into the  
clinic. Much of this took place by shouting in a very loud voice and often a disturbance  
was caused amongst passers-by.  
Protestors aggressively pursued patients with verbal assaults such as “Please don’t kill  
your baby”, and “Don’t go in that place where they murder babies”.  
The protestors told patients untruths about the abortion procedure in order to frighten  
them, namely: that they will never be able to have children, that they will bleed to death  
and that they will get AIDS.  
As they walked along the protestors positioned their bodies between the patient and the  
clinic so that the patient had to bump into them in order to turn towards the clinic. They  
were physically interfered with by the protestors.  
The protestors shoved literature directly in the patients’ faces. This literature contained  
misrepresentations by way of photographs of foetal development that were untrue and  
misleading and misrepresentations of both the physical and emotional effects of having  
an abortion.  
(c) The Way Inn  
If possible, the protestors attempted to “steer” the patient into “The Way Inn”, a house  
which was at that time next door to my clinic which was used to urge patients not to  
have abortions.  
The protestors dragged patients into The Way Inn next door in order to convince them  
not to have an abortion. Once the patients were inside, the door was locked so that they  
could not leave. They were held against their will and literature depicting dead fetuses  
was shoved in their faces. Once released, they were pushed and shoved as they made  
their way into the clinic.  
[59] Dr. Morgentaler goes on to describe a wide variety of specific incidents of harassments  
of patients. Under the heading of “Blockades”, he states:  
On Saturday, March 25, 1989, an unannounced “Operation Rescue” took place. One  
incident that occurred illustrates the near impossibility of having the clinic function at all  
on an “Operation Rescue” day. A man in a car drove up on Harbord Street with a woman  
sitting next to him. Ms. Rosenthal, who was an escort at the Harbord Street Clinic,  
approached the car since she thought that the woman might be a patient. The driver  
confirmed that she was. She directed him to the back laneway. As he attempted to drive  
down the laneway to the clinic gates, protestor stood in front of the car with a sign and  
would not move. She, therefore, directed the man to drive back to the front of the clinic.  
There were about fifty people in front of the clinic. The woman passenger opened the  
car door and the protestors started throwing pamphlets and literature into the car. One  
protestor called out, “I want your baby. I’d love to have your baby”. The patient appeared  
terrified so the male driver decided to leave and come back later that day after the  
protest. The couple did return later.  
[60] Under the heading “Effect of Private Injunction”, Dr. Morgentaler describes obtaining a  
private injunction on May 5, 1989, and its effect on the clinic:  
We first obtained the private injunction on May 5, 1989; this injunction was intended to  
protect patients and staff from harassment. The injunction initially applied within five  
hundred feet of 85 Harbord Street but was subsequently varied to cover “157 Gerrard  
Street East, Toronto or such other premises in the City of Toronto to which the plaintiffs  
may relocate”.  
Once the injunction was in place, the protests at Harbord Street dropped off markedly  
and over a period of a few months disappeared completely. After this time occasional  
protests took place which ended fairly quickly as soon as the Sheriffs office intervened.  
After that we enjoyed a number of years without harassment, picketing and disruption.  
During the period of renovation at 727 Hillsdale Ave. East there were a few protests.  
The protestors were advised by the Sheriff’s office, who have responsibility for enforcing  
the injunction, that they were in violation of the injunction and they disbursed peaceably.  
The impact of obtaining the private injunction on the operation of the clinic was  
tremendous. The difference between the operation of the clinic before the obtaining of  
the injunction and after obtaining the injunction is the difference between night and day.  
We are able to work in an atmosphere of serenity and calm that is appropriate for a  
health care environment. The nurses and doctors do not feel so beleaguered and are  
able to provide better medical and emotional care. The patients are more relaxed, need  
less sedation and less counselling because they have not just been frightened by  
protestors and their falsehoods. In my opinion, it has resulted in an overall safer  
procedure.  
[61] Finally, under the heading “Explosion”, Dr. Morgentaler describes the destruction of his  
clinic on Harbord St. in these terms:  
On May 18, 1992, at approximately 3 a.m. an unidentified man drilled a hole in one of  
the rear doors of the clinic and poured several gallons of gasoline into the building. After  
waiting some minutes for the fumes to disseminate he ignited the gasoline. The  
subsequent explosion and fire  
destroyed both 85 and 87 Harbord Street. Contents in both buildings were severely  
damaged. The building became a hazard to public safety and was demolished under  
public order.  
The explosion and subsequent fire caused $550,000.00 damage to the building and  
contents at 85 Harbord Street. I do not know the total monetary damage to 87 Harbord  
Street. There was a suspension of patient services for 2 days after the firebombing.  
My clinics in other provinces have also suffered harassment and vandalism.  
[62] Dr. Morgentaler also describes harassment and vandalism in Halifax, St. John’s and  
Edmonton.  
[63] Parliament attempted to respond to the 1988 Supreme Court decision. The  
government during the 33rd Parliament tabled a motion for debate and a vote in the House of  
Commons on the framing of a new law. Under the terms of this motion, an abortion would  
have been lawful during the early stages of a pregnancy if, in the opinion of a licensed  
physician, the continuation of the pregnancy would or would have been likely to threaten the  
woman’s physical or mental well-being. During the subsequent stages of pregnancy, an  
abortion would have been lawful only if certain further conditions were satisfied, including the  
finding of two physicians that the continuation of the pregnancy would or would have been  
likely to endanger the woman’s life or seriously endanger her health. What constituted the  
“earlier” and “subsequent” stages of the pregnancy was not defined under the proposal, nor  
were the “further conditions” under which an abortion could lawfully have been procured  
during the subsequent stages of the pregnancy. The debate occupied two days and a free  
vote was conducted on July 28, 1988. At that point, 5 of 21 amending proposals were  
retained for vote by the Speaker. None of the proposals, including those of the government,  
were adopted. Of the six proposals considered by the House, the one that received the most  
votes contained the most restrictive policy on abortion. This proposal would have permitted  
abortion only if two or more independent licensed physicians had, in good faith and on  
reasonable grounds, stated that in their opinion, the continuation of the pregnancy would or  
would be likely to endanger the woman’s life. This amendment was defeated by a vote of 118  
to 105. Significantly, no women members voted in favour of this proposal.  
[64] On November 3, 1989, the Minister of Justice introduced Bill C-43, An Act Respecting  
Abortion, If Bill C-43 had been approved by both the House of Commons and the Senate, it  
would have been a criminal offence to induce an abortion unless it was done by, or under the  
direction of, a physician who considered that the woman’s life or health was otherwise likely to  
be threatened. “Health” was defined as including physical, mental and psychological health.  
The review and ultimate defeat of this legislation has been described in the following terms by  
Mollie Dunsmuir in “Abortion: Constitutional and Legal Developments”, supra, at pp. 21-2:  
Bill C-43 was referred to a Legislative Committee on 28 November 1989. The committee  
heard from over 50 witnesses, coming from all parts of Canada. Most witnesses  
represented either a pro-choice or a pro-life viewpoint. The former argued that abortion  
should not be in the Criminal Code, while the latter argued that Bill C-43 did not provide  
sufficient protection for the foetus. Pro-choice groups argued that the Canada Health Act  
should be used to ensure access to abortion services. On the whole, only a small  
minority of witnesses were prepared to suggest or discuss amendments consistent with  
the principle of the bill.  
One notable exception was the Canadian Medical Association (CMA), which argued  
forcefully that private individuals should not be allowed to initiate prosecutions under Bill  
C-43 without the consent of the Attorney General of the province. Private prosecution of  
the physician performing the abortion was not an issue under the old legislation,  
because an abortion was legal if previously approved by the therapeutic abortion  
committee. The Canadian Medical Association felt that Bill C-43, which provided no such  
protection to the individual physician, opened the door to legal harassment by pro-life  
groups or individuals. An amendment based on the CMA argument was proposed by  
members of the committee, but did not pass.  
Another amendment given consideration would have made it an offence to discriminate  
against any health care worker who refused to participate in an abortion for reasons of  
conscience. While there was general agreement among both the witnesses and the  
Committee members that no health care worker who conscientiously objected to  
abortion should be required to participate in such procedures, the majority view was that  
a “conscience clause” was properly a human rights or labour relations issue within  
provincial jurisdiction.  
On 6 April 1990, the Committee reported C-43 back to the House of Commons without  
amendment. Third reading debate began on 22 May 1990 and on 23 May 1990, the  
House rejected all proposed amendments to Bill C-43 by a significant majority. Most of  
the proposed amendments would have limited the conditions under which an abortion  
could be obtained.  
On 29 May 1990, the House of Commons passed Bill C-43 on third reading by a vote of  
140 to 131. Although Cabinet Ministers were required to support the bill, it was a free  
vote for all other Members.  
On 31 January 1991, the Senate voted on Bill C-43. As with the House of Commons, it  
was a free vote except for members of the Cabinet (Senator Murray). Of 86 senators  
present, 43 voted for the bill and 43 voted against it. Under the Rules of the Senate, a  
tied vote is deemed to be a negative vote; therefore, Bill C-43 was defeated.  
[65] Professor Janine Brodie presciently summarizes the impact of the defeat, foreseeing  
the future ongoing uncertainty so evident in the facts at hand in Brodie, Gavigan, and Jensen,  
The Politics of Abortion, supra, at p. 116:  
After three full years of political manoeuvring, the unusual status quo dictated by the  
Supreme Court’s Morgentaler decision remained intact; Canada still had no abortion  
law. This round in the politics of abortion had been a struggle over meanings and, in the  
end, no single discourse prevailed. The government had relied on the tried-and-true  
discourse of medicalization, but this time the discourse was followed to its logical  
conclusion. If abortion were indeed a matter of medicine, what business did the  
government have in regulating it or establishing criminal sanctions for doctors exercising  
the tools of their trade? Others, both inside and outside of Parliament, had long since  
adopted alternative discourses which interpreted abortions in terms of the rights of  
women or the foetus. C-43 spoke to neither camp and, like the Tower of Babel, the  
weight of competing languages led to its collapse.  
Of course, both the pro-choice and pro-life forces have interpreted the defeat of Bill C-43  
as a victory. Reminiscent of the Morgentaler decision, the pro-choice forces saw the  
continuing decriminalization of abortion as an affirmation of women’s rights. Said one,  
“We have won a right today, the right of reproductive freedom, that is as important as  
our right to vote”. But no rights were granted to Canadian women amidst the clash of  
meanings in the Senate. In fact, pro-life spokespersons seemed to have a better  
understanding of what had transpired. “We have a clear slate now to bring forth good  
legislation that will protect the pre-born child”. What will eventually be transcribed on that  
slatethe rights of women, the rights of the foetus or some other misrepresentation of  
abortionremains the crucial arena of struggle in the on-going politics of abortion.  
III  
MORE IMMEDIATE BACKGROUND  
[66] The New Democratic Party formed the government in Ontario in September, 1989.  
This government is openly pro-choice in its policies regarding abortion and has provided  
funding for freestanding abortion clinics. In November, 1990, the government announced its  
commitment to developing a coordinated policy on abortion service delivery and made clear  
its position that women have the right of timely access to safe abortions. A consultation group  
of about 60 abortion service providers was established to advise the Ministry of Health on  
how to improve access to abortion services. A task group, composed of representatives from  
the larger group, was convened to assist with the development of a plan. The Task Group of  
Abortion Service Providers (“the Task Group”), saw its goal as identifying the key barriers that  
perpetuate unequal access to abortion services in Ontario and developing strategies to  
overcome them.  
(a) The Task Group of Abortion Service Providers  
[67] On December 9, 1992, the Task Group released the “Report on Access to Abortion  
Services in Ontario” (the “Report”). The Report contained many recommendations aimed at  
the Task Group’s long-term goal—“to ensure that every woman in Ontarioregardless of her  
first language, how much money she has, her race, her origin, or where she liveshas  
access to safe and supportive abortion and related reproductive health services in her own  
community”. The introduction to the Report states:  
In November 1990, following the change of provincial government and two months  
before Bill C-43 was defeated in the Senate, the Minister of Health announced its  
commitment to developing a co-ordinated policy on abortion service delivery. Its  
statement made clear the Ontario government’s belief in two basic principles: that  
abortion is a health issue, and that women have the right of access to safe abortion  
services.  
The 1990 announcement was the first time the government of Ontario had come forward  
with a pro-choice stand on abortion. The government’s primary goal was to ensure  
timely and equitable access to safe and publicly funded abortions for the women of  
Ontario, while also providing education programs to reduce unplanned pregnancies and,  
therefore, the demand for abortions.  
[68] Under the heading “Government Commitment and Co-ordination”, the Report states:  
The NDP government has taken important steps to address the obstacles faced by  
women who seek safe and equitable access to abortion services in the province. The  
government played a key role in the pro-choice campaign against Bill C-43, and its  
defeat in the Senate on January 31, 1991 removed one of the most pressing obstacles  
to access. As well, the statements by the previous Minister of Health represent the  
clearest commitment of any government in Canada to the principle that every woman  
has the right to control over her own body, including the right to choose an abortion.  
Despite this commitment, abortion services remain inequitable and inaccessible  
throughout the province. Barriers that are specific to these services must still be  
removed. But these barriers must also be considered in the broader context of the  
fragmented nature of women’s health care and the inadequacy of the provincial health  
care system in addressing women’s total reproductive health needs.  
The most comprehensive recent survey of access was the 1987 Report on Therapeutic  
Abortion Services in Ontario prepared for the provincial government by Dr. Marion  
Powell It found that access was severely limited in many areas and highly inequitable  
across the province. For example, “the system does not provide timely and optimal  
support to women in need of abortion services. Difficulties were identified at each step  
from the time the woman suspects pregnancy to the completion of the abortion  
procedure. The entire process was found to be protracted, with women requiring three to  
seven contacts with health professionals before the actual procedure could be  
performed”. In more than half of Ontario counties, Powell found, women had to leave the  
county to obtain abortion care (p. 7).  
Since the release of the Powell Report, the government of Ontario has done little to  
improve the delivery of abortion services. Many of the problems identified by Dr. Powell  
have not been addressed, much less remedied. The following still exist:  
- lack of physicians willing to make referrals for abortion;  
- decreasing availability of gynaecologists and anaesthetists willing to perform the  
procedure;  
- too many hospitals that do too few or no abortions;  
- lack of available counselling, both pre- and post- abortion;  
- insufficient availability of operating room time for the procedure;  
- inadequate use of procedures recognized as reducing complications;  
- negative attitudes in the community; and  
- punitive attitudes among some health professionals towards women seeking  
abortion services.  
In addition, we have found that access to abortion and reproductive and sexual health  
care is particularly difficult for young women, poor women, women with disabilities,  
aboriginal women, women of colour, immigrant or refugee women, and women from  
rural, northern and remote areas. Too few hospitals and physicians provide abortion  
services and the existing freestanding clinics, all located in Toronto, are overextended.  
Far too many women have to leave their communities, often travelling long distances, to  
obtain this essential health service. Harassment of service providers and women  
seeking abortion by a small anti-choice minority remains a significant problem.  
There are serious concerns that the government is not working quickly enough to  
improve access to abortion. Harassment has been allowed to continue at abortion  
clinics; no efforts have been made to establish additional community clinics, especially  
outside Toronto; and no new initiatives have been developed to improve the quality and  
availability of abortion in hospitals. As a result, the government has been criticized for  
not working collaboratively with its ministries and the community to develop and  
implement strategies that will remove barriers to access. …  
There is also a need to better identify the reasons women leave their own communities  
to have abortions. We do know women travel elsewhere because of the unavailability of  
services in their home region, waiting lists, discomfort with a hospital setting, preference  
for clinic service, unavailability of a local anaesthetic, the need for later stage abortions,  
and the need for greater anonymity than is available locally. However, it is still difficult to  
establish which factors are most important to women in particular communities or  
regions.  
[69] Under the heading “Current Provision of Abortion Services”, the Report states:  
Availability of Providers  
One of the most significant problems in the provision of abortion services is that there  
are simply too few physicians and other health care providers trained and willing to  
provide abortion services. According to the Ontario Medical Association (OMA), 629  
obstetricians/gynaecologists were practising in the province in 1990/91. Of these, only  
54% (341) were performing abortions.  
The OMA also reports that there were 10,068 practising family physicians in 1990/91. Of  
these, fewer than 1% (39) performed abortions.  
These figures point to the small number of obstetricians/gynaecologists available to  
perform abortions and the large population of family physicians who could potentially  
provide the service. Overall, this indicates the need to recruit and train family physicians  
and other professionals to provide abortion services.  
Obstetricians/gynaecologists are generally not encouraged to seek abortion training or  
to provide the service once practising, and there is no continuing medical education  
(CME) program for abortion providers once they have completed their clinical training.  
While training in abortion procedures is available during residency, this training is not  
mandatory and there are no special incentives for obstetricians/gynaecologists to  
choose electives in abortion provision.  
As well, we learned from health professionals participating in the consultation that many  
obstetricians/gynaecologists do not provide abortions because (i) the service is not seen  
as worthwhile in light of the other medical services they can provide; (ii) there is a lack of  
financial and social supports to offer the service; and (iii) there is a threat and reality of  
harassment.  
Generally, family physicians are not trained to provide abortion services. Most of those  
who currently perform abortions receive their training from another provider in a clinic  
setting. Other family physicians who expressed interest in performing abortions have  
been refused training by gynaecologists.  
Most communities have only a small number of physicians providing abortions and, as  
with many physician services, rural and northern communities are often hardest hit by  
shortages. The fragility of the abortion service system in Ontario is apparent when a  
physician’s retirement, illness or relocation can lead to more restricted or even  
discontinued services in certain communities. For example, the Niagara region was well  
serviced a year ago but physician relocation and retirement in that area have  
significantly reduced service. The northeast and eastern regions face similar difficulties  
since 64% and 44%, respectively, of providers in these areas are nearing retirement.  
Harassment, of course, also continues to limit the number of physicians willing to  
provide abortion services. Often physicians and related staff experience social stigma,  
professional isolation, peer pressure, inadequate incentives and a lack of community  
support. Some communities have active anti-abortion physician organizations, and  
doctors who perform abortions risk a significant decrease in other ob/gyn referrals.  
Service in Kitchener-Waterloo has already been terminated due, in part, to pressure  
from anti-abortion physicians in the community.  
With the current shortage of providers, the onus is on a relatively small number of health  
care professionals to provide all abortion services. They must “in a sense compensate  
for the reluctance of their colleagues or the unwillingness of other hospitals to allow  
abortions to be performed” (Powell, 1987, p. 26).  
[70] Under the heading “Hospital Services”, the Report describes the following:  
Currently, three-quarters of all abortions in Ontario are provided in hospitals. While  
hospitals are essential in the provision of abortion services, hospital structure can create  
a number of additional barriers to adequate  
service. For example, abortion procedures are often not given priority, and are only  
booked by availability of space. Therefore, the need for operating room time for more  
pressing or emergency surgeries then places abortion patients on a waiting list (Powell,  
1987). The onus is then on women seeking abortions to either wait and have a later  
stage abortion or travel outside the region or province. This travel results in significant  
personal expense, delays that increase the risk of complications, and unnecessary  
anxiety and stress.  
Furthermore, the Powell Report (1987) and anecdotal information from birth control  
clinics and counsellors have identified inadequacies in the quality of care given to  
women in certain hospitals. These reports point to unsympathetic treatment, hostility  
from physicians or auxiliary hospital staff, unnecessary use of general anaesthesia and  
breaches of confidentiality…  
Refusal to grant doctors’ privileges has been used in many cases to ensure that  
abortions are not performed. Members of anti-abortion groups often get appointed to  
hospital boards and work towards the elimination of abortion services. This strategy is  
clearly evident in British Columbia, where abortion opponents have attempted to ban  
hospital abortions throughout the province by dominating elected boards and voting to  
discontinue abortion services. British Columbia’s NDP government has effectively  
responded by introducing regulations within the Hospital Act and Hospital Insurance Act  
to order public hospitals within each region to provide services. The introduction of  
similar regulations must be considered by the Ontario government to prevent services  
from being restricted or even discontinued throughout the province by this type of  
anti-abortion harassment.  
[71] The Report points out that the majority of abortions in Ontario which are performed in  
hospitals are performed by using general anaesthesia. This requires operating room time  
which is not freely available. This therefore creates a barrier to access as does the fact that  
most hospitals apparently do not perform abortions beyond 12 weeks, requiring women in  
later stages of pregnancy to travel outside their community or province. Under the heading of  
“Harassment”, the Report states:  
Removal of abortion from the Criminal Code represented an initial step in ensuring  
women’s right of access to safe abortion. However, women often cannot exercise this  
right because anti-choice harassment from individuals and groups continues to deny or  
seriously limit access. As discussed, harassment is one of the main factors underlying  
the shortage of abortion service providers. Not only are most physicians reluctant or  
unwilling to perform abortions, most are reluctant to even be trained in abortion  
procedures.  
Those who do perform abortions continue to experience anti-choice harassment at their  
offices and homes. Such harassment is frequently extended to the families and  
neighbours of service providers, and ongoing harassment has resulted in a number of  
physicians discontinuing their services. As the number providing the service decreases,  
those physicians who continue to perform abortions become more easily targeted for  
harassment.  
Despite its stated commitment, the NDP government has done nothing concrete to end  
harassment of both providers and women seeking abortions. Anti-abortion harassment  
continues to occur throughout the province and has resulted in an overall decline in  
service provision over the past two years. Harassment has successfully eliminated  
services in several south-western Ontario communities and severely restricted them in  
other regions.  
In the United States, women’s right of access to abortion has been dangerously  
undermined by anti-abortion harassment and violence. Such groups as Operation  
Rescue engage in extreme tactics, including bombings, arson, death threats,  
kidnapping, burglaries and vandalism. The government must ensure that these tactics  
are not permitted in Canada.  
However, serious instances of these forms of violence have already been reported here.  
The freestanding clinics in Toronto are particularly vulnerable because service providers  
and women attending the clinics are easily identified. These clinics have reported  
vandalism, arson and bomb threats. The seriousness of these activities is evident in the  
May 1992 destruction of the Morgentaler Clinic in Toronto as a result of a fire bombing.  
In addition to these extreme measures, more common and ongoing tactics such as  
blockading clinics and assaulting patients and staff have had a profound impact on  
access.  
Those involved in anti-abortion harassment move from community to community.  
Smaller communities are vulnerable to harassment because the providers and the  
women using the services are more likely to be identified. It is difficult for anti-abortion  
groups to protest at hospitals because of the problems in identifying those women who  
are seeking abortions, so harassment occurs at the homes of providers instead.  
Anti-choice harassment delays or denies women’s access to government-funded health  
facilities that provide abortion services because women seeking abortions are often  
subjected to psychological as well as physical harassment. These experiences are  
frightening and may result in women delaying or abandoning their decisions to have  
abortions.  
It is also a common strategy of anti-abortion protestors to target those women who are  
most vulnerable. This includes subjecting women of colour and women alone to more  
extreme treatment than white women or those accompanied by a man. Immigrant  
women from countries where the police are feared are often targeted by protestors  
because they are not likely to report harassment to the police. As well, many other  
women are unwilling to involve the police because of their need to remain anonymous.  
The elimination of anti-abortion harassment requires full government and community  
support, which has not yet been achieved.  
On May 19, 1992, in response to the May 17 fire bombing of the Morgentaler Clinic, the  
government announced a strategy intended to begin to counter anti-abortion  
harassment.  
On May 20, clinic providers and community representatives met with the government to  
discuss the strategy. The community had many unanswered questions as to how the  
government arrived at its position and what other options were considered.  
The community response was not positive. It was suggested that the government  
reconsider its approach to harassment and return to the community with better options.  
There has been no further update on progress being made, particularly by the Attorney  
General’s Office.  
The government must immediately reaffirm its support for women’s right to abortions, as  
well the right of physicians and auxiliary staff to provide this medical service free from  
harassment and intimidation. This affirmation by government must be supported with  
strategies that are flexible and effective, and that will impose the least possible burden  
on service providers and women seeking abortion services. Harassment must be  
discouraged by ensuring that applicable laws prohibiting illegal harassment are strictly  
enforced. Police services across Ontario must be informed and must protect women’s  
right to access and the rights of service providers to be free of harassment and threats.  
At the same time, abortion facilities must be protected. Toward this end, we recommend  
that:  
21. The government take immediate action to ensure that women have access to  
abortion services without being subjected to harassment by anti-abortion  
demonstrators; (IMM)  
(a) The Attorney General must seek an injunction to control harassment  
activity at abortion service facilities and providers’ homes;  
(b) The Solicitor General must issue a directive to all police forces indicating  
the measures necessary to ensure that all health facilities, service providers  
and women seeking abortion services are protected from the harassment of  
anti-abortion protestors.  
However, because injunctions are a blunt and poorly focused instrument, and because  
police forces are not consistently responsive to provincial directives, we also  
recommend that:  
22. The Attorney General explore specific legislative options, as are common in  
other North American jurisdictions, to prohibit harassment at reproductive health  
care centres.  
(IMM)  
[72] Finally, under the heading “Towards Comprehensive Health Care” and the subheading  
“Counselling and Referral”, the Task Group makes the following recommendations:  
The delivery of all abortion services in Ontario must be based on the recognition that it is  
a woman’s right to choose whether or not to have an abortion. What each woman  
chooses will depend on her life’s circumstances, values and goals. One function of the  
health care system is to make available to women a range of referral options and  
services that provide counselling on abortion procedures, the risks, and the decision  
itself.  
Women need non-judgmental counselling provided by a trained counsellor to assist  
them with their decision or to provide support for that decision. Some women have no  
difficulty with their decision: their choice to have an abortion is not ambivalent; their  
response after the abortion is relief. For others, issues such as poverty, inadequate  
housing, unemployment and lack of day-care and other supports make the decision  
more complicated.  
Current abortion referral and counselling systems are inadequate to support women  
considering or seeking abortions. Often women do not know where to find services or  
referral networks; they must search for them on their own. These difficulties are  
compounded if no local services are available  
and women must search outside of their own communities. As well, anti-abortion  
physicians sometimes purposely delay women seeking abortions or refuse to refer them  
to other physicians or agencies. These barriers result in delays in the delivery system  
and increase the likelihood of late stage abortions and the accompanying risks, including  
the need for travel. All of these add to women’s stress and anxiety.  
In addition, there are too few qualified abortion counsellors; many of those currently  
offering the service have no specialized training in the field. The shortage of counsellors  
presents an even greater problem for staff and immigrant and refugee women’s centres  
where counsellors must address health and social issues because no other appropriate  
services exist.  
Counselling must be available to women both before and after the procedure. As well as  
helping in the decision making, it must provide procedural explanations so women can  
ask and receive information in non-medical language. This help must be offered at the  
first visit. At the same time, it must be acknowledged that the decision to have an  
abortion may be made by the woman alone or with the help of her own support network.  
That means counselling must not be imposed, coercive or judgmental, resulting in one  
more obstacle to be handled by a woman considering abortion.  
Pre-abortion counselling is more readily available than post-abortion. Counselling  
following abortion is inadequate due to limited staff time and funds, and many women do  
not return for follow-up visits.  
[73] The Task Group, as I have said, reported December 9, 1992, and its recommendation  
that the government seek injunctive relief was characterized as a recommendation which  
“must be initiated within six months and completed within one year” (p. vi).  
[74] The Task Group was admittedly one-sided and comprised of only pro-choice activists.  
The intention of the Minister of Health, who commissioned the Task Group, was to have a  
reference group of abortion service providers to talk to about what they did and, in the view of  
the Attorney-General, it would have been inappropriate to have people who were opposed to  
abortion included in the group (Boyd transcript, pp. 74-5, qq. 279-283). As a result of the Task  
Group Report which gave the government six months to implement its province-wide  
injunction recommendation, on March 23, 1993, the Canadian Abortion Rights Action League  
(CARAL) held a press conference criticizing the Ontario government for failing to take action  
against anti-abortion protestors. The Attorney-General, together with the Minister of Health  
and the Solicitor-General, attended a meeting on March 26, 1993, to hear the views of  
physicians, representatives of CARAL and the clinics who were requesting that the  
government seek a province-wide injunction against anti-abortion picketing. The decision to  
seek an injunction was made by the Attorney-General on April 9, 1993. The notice of action  
was issued on April 19, 1993, and the statement of claim is dated May 19, 1993.  
[75] Prior to the issuance of the notice of action, newspapers reported that the Attorney-  
General admitted “a ban would likely infringe on the right to assemble” (Toronto Sun, March  
24, 1993). In her testimony in these proceedings, the Attorney-General also acknowledges  
that the injunction she seeks would likely infringe both an individual’s freedom of expression  
and freedom of peaceful assembly (Boyd transcript, p. 32, qq. 126-130). However,  
newspapers also reported her stating (Globe and Mail, March 24, 1993):  
The government, she said, is trying to seek a “balance over the right of people to  
assemble and of people to protest with the rights of individuals who are trying to seek  
legal health care”.  
[76] Boyd attests that this action and the Report “have little or no connection to each other”.  
She states the decision to look seriously at the issue of access to abortion was taken in  
November, 1990, and this included instructions to the staff of the Ministry of the  
Attorney-General to investigate reports of impediments to access. By the time Boyd became  
Attorney-General on February 3, 1993, the ministry appears to have been working on  
controlling picketing for about one year. However, the defendants submit that the sequence of  
events since December, 1992, clearly shows the injunction was a direct response to the Task  
Group Report. The Attorney-General commenced this action by notice of action on April 19,  
1993. She issued a press release advising that she was seeking an injunction without  
notifying any of the defendants that a lawsuit had been brought against them. The defendants  
were not served with any process and they learned of the action from the media. The  
defendants submit that the Attorney-General was more eager to signal publicly that she was  
responding to the concerns of the pro-choice lobby than to inform the defendants to a civil suit  
that action had been taken against them. Thus, it is the submission of the defendants that the  
Attorney-General brought this action only to satisfy a particular interest group, the pro-choice  
lobby, and not to restrain disorderly conduct. The picketing, they assert, is peaceful The  
Attorney-General, therefore, seeks to restrain the expression of their views.  
[77] In the early summer of 1992, the Ministry of the Attorney-General conducted some  
investigation into anti-abortion picketing in Ontario. The ministry hired a private investigator,  
Jean Callaghan, to attend, undercover, the National Pro-Life Conference held in Toronto in  
June, 1992. Further, on June 25, 1992, the Ministry of the Attorney-General obtained an  
affidavit from Dr. Ken Millar in Kingston describing pro-life picketing in Kingston. Later in the  
summer, CARAL arranged for some of its members in Kingston and London to provide  
affidavits to the Ministry of the Attorney-General.  
[78] However, most of the affidavits submitted to the Attorney-General in support of the  
instant application were not sworn until the spring of 1993, with the majority sworn in June,  
1993. The defendants submit that this “gap” between the efforts to obtain affidavits in the  
summer of 1992 and the collection of evidence in the spring of 1993 is significant. The 1992  
affidavits were in large part volunteered by CARAL. Those affidavits, it is submitted, indicate  
that the picketing activity was peaceful and on public property. The defendants submit that the  
then Attorney-General (Howard Hampton), faced with such evidence, did not move to seek an  
injunction because he recognized the lawful nature of the picketing. The public release of the  
Task Group Report in December, 1992, prompted an immediate commitment by the NDP  
government to seek to ban “harassment” but active work on an injunction did not commence  
until the appointment of Marian Boyd as Attorney-General on February 3, 1993. Boyd was  
also Minister of Women’s Issues. It is submitted that only after Boyd’s appointment was  
peaceful anti-abortion picketing determined to be a “public nuisance” and this action  
commenced.  
[79] Against this backdrop, the defendants moved to cross-examine the Attorney-General  
concerning her purpose in bringing these proceedings. The motion was granted in Ontario  
(Attorney-General) v. Dieleman (1993), 110 D.L.R. (4th) 343, 21 C.P.C. (3d) 49, 16 O.R. (3d)  
39 (Gen. Div.). The application for leave to appeal was dismissed by O’Driscoll J. and the  
endorsement is reported in 110 D.L.R. (4th) 349, 16 O.R. (3d) 46, 44 A.C.W.S. (3d) 68.  
Boyd’s answers on the examination are usefully reviewed.  
(b) Examination of the Attorney-General  
[80] With respect to the request for a 500-foot injunction, the Attorney-General explains at  
pp. 28-33:  
The notice of action was to try and provide a zone that has been used in many injunction  
cases to have an appropriate distance that would mitigate at least some of the harm that  
this can cause.  
Q. If we could come back to the Victoria Hospital on the corner of Wellington and  
Commissioners Road, and I’ll put a hypothetical to you in your capacity as  
Attorney-General of Ontario. If there was a picketer there acting peacefully in the sense  
that I use it, carrying a sign, “This hospital kills animals in their medical experiments,”  
would you, in your capacity as Attorney General of Ontario, consider that to be… that  
conduct to be a public nuisance?  
A. Not having looked into the persistence and the difficulty in what the effect of that, in  
terms of intimidation and harassment might be on  
individuals, I can’t answer that in the same context… that I have not investigated what  
the effect of that kind of action, cumulative over time if it’s persistent, might have on the  
availability of medical services to patients and the ability to provide medical services on  
the part of providers.  
Q. So am I correct, then, in part what you’re saying, Ms. Boyd, is that if a message that a  
person conveys by a placard causes discomfort to a person or is a message that a  
person doesn’t want to see, that that is one factor that you would take into account in  
considering whether or not that form of picketing is a public nuisance?  
A. I would not say discomfort or the kind of minor effects that you are saying would be  
sufficient. We are talking about situations that intimidate and harass and may prevent  
people from exercising choice, which is a very different thing than discomfort.  
Q. Well you certainly agree with me that in our current society, there are certainly  
messages on billboards and perhaps placards that you see during the course of your  
day-to-day business, that you would prefer not to see?  
A. Certainly.  
Q. Yeh. I think we’re all in that position.  
A. Certainly.  
Q. And you’d agree with me that if you don’t want to take a look at it, you can simply turn  
your head away and walk in the other direction; correct?  
A. In some cases. I certainly often am in a position of not being able to turn my head  
away and having to go through those signs, so that’s a difficult question for me to  
answer.  
Q. But stepping out of that, you have a day off and you’re walking down a street off  
doing your own personal business and you see a billboard in the distance with the  
distance you don’t like. You’re certainly free to turn your head and walk in the other  
direction; correct?  
A. That’s a very different thing than if I’m exercising my choice of profession or my  
choice of medical services, at the time.  
Q. At the time. Now, you recognize, do you not, that if you get the injunction that you’re  
asking for in this action, one of the effects of that injunction will be to restrict the ability of  
a certain group of people to express their opposition to abortion within 500 feet of the  
various locations you have listed in your Notice of Motion, and that’s going to be the  
effect of it; correct?  
A. In those very specific locations, yes.  
Q. And indeed, that is one of the purposes for your bringing this action, correct, to limit  
their ability to convey that message within 500 feet of those particular locations?  
A. To limit their ability to intimidate and harass people within those locations, yes.  
Q. Well, if you could deal with the language that I have put to you, you’d agree with me  
that one of the objectives or intents of you, as Attorney-General seeking the injunction in  
this action, is to restrict individuals from expressing an anti-abortion message within  
500 feet of the locations you have specified in your Statement of Claim?  
A. I would not state the purpose and the reasons for making this decision in that way.  
Q. Well that’s certainly one of the reasons, isn’t it?  
A. The issue here is that we want to ensure that access to medical services is  
maintained and the providers are not intimidated from providing those services and that  
the kinds of activities that have gone on, according to the evidence, suggests that, in  
fact, both those effects have been experienced by patients and by providers as a result  
of the behaviour. So the purpose is to ensure that the provision of services is available  
and the people can exercise their choice to access those services or to provide those  
services. The purpose… that’s the expressed purpose and I would say that the effect  
may be to restrict within certain bounds the ability of people to express those particular  
views in specific locations.  
Q. But certainly, and your answer speaks for itself and puts things in context, but you’d  
certainly agree with me that one of the intents of seeking this injunction is to stop people  
from expressing an anti-abortion message within 500 feet of the location specified in  
your Statement of Claim?  
A. I would not agree that that’s the intent.  
Q. No, I said one of the intents.  
A. I would not agree that it’s one of the intents. It’s one of the effects of that action that’s  
taken as opposed to one of the intents. We have a very strong disagreement as to what  
is an intent and what is an effect in this case.  
Q. Well, then, let me perhaps rephrase it. You certainly know that it is an inevitable  
consequence of the injunction that you are seeking that if you get it, people will not be  
allowed to express an anti-abortion message within 500 feet of the location specified in  
your Statement of Claim?  
A. Yes.  
Q. OK. And you recognize that that consequence would infringe the right or freedom  
of… freedom of expression guaranteed to those individuals under our Charter? You may  
say it’s justifiable, but you’d agree with me that the consequence of the injunction that  
you’re seeing is to limit the ability of a group of people to exercise their right of freedom  
of expression within 500 feet of the locations that you’ve named.  
A. Of very specified locations, yes, that would be the effect.  
Q. And… but you’d agree with me that it would limit their freedom of expression in the  
sense that I put it to you?  
A. Within that very limited context, yes.  
Q. And you’d agree with me that within that context, it would also limit and restrain their  
right to peaceful assembly, which is similarly guaranteed under our Charter of Rights  
and Freedoms?  
A. Within a radius of 500 feet, yes, in a very limited context.  
Q. But within that context, it’s limited?  
A. Yes.  
Q. And similarly, for those picketers who, by reason of their religious belief, hold abortion  
to be wrong, one of the consequences of this injunction would be to limit their freedom of  
religion within 500 feet of these various locations in the sense that they cannot convey a  
message in accordance with their religious beliefs that abortion is wrong?  
A. I think you’re drawing that far too far, personally.  
Q. OK. So you disagree with that, then?  
A. Yes.  
[81] And again, with respect to the specific locations for which an injunction is sought and  
the purpose of the injunction, we have the following questions and answers (pp. 35-44):  
Q. It’s the location where this expression is taking place that is one of the factors that  
has led you to conclude that this expression constitutes a public nuisance. I think that’s  
an accurate statement.  
A. It’s the effect upon patients and providers of those chosen locations. It’s the issue that  
at those locations, the carrying of those signs is harassing and intimidating to those who  
wish to access or who are willing to provide abortion services that creates the issue, as  
opposed to the location alone. And I mean it’s… the issue cannot be taken out of the  
context of what the effect of that action is.  
Q. And another element of the picketing that has led you to conclude that it’s a public  
nuisance is the message that is being conveyed primarily on placards by those  
picketers; correct?  
A. It is the message that is being conveyed in the context of individuals who are seeking  
medical services and people who are providing them. It is not the message floating out  
in space. It is the message directed at those who are very vulnerable as they seek  
medical services and those who are providing those services.  
Q. So it’s the kind of message being conveyed at the locations that we’ve just described  
that has led you to conclude that the form of picketing constitutes public nuisance?  
A. It constitutes a public nuisance and is against the public interest.  
Q. And that kind of conduct, you have concluded in the exercise of your discretion, is  
conduct that is detrimental to and prejudicial to the public good and welfare in Ontario?  
A. Yes.  
Q. And I would like, therefore, to ascertain from you where, in your view as Attorney  
General of Ontario, a person who wishes to convey an anti-abortion message can go to  
express their message in a public way?  
Ms. Price: Are you saying anything that they say, including names of physicians and  
what not, or are you saying… could you…  
Mr. Brown: Anything.  
Ms. Price: Including names?  
The Deponent: Well, I can’t answer in that blanket way because there is the issue of  
naming of individuals and the invasion of privacy of individuals, which is very different  
from a generic kind of message. There are many ways in which people get to express  
their opinions in this province, and do consistently, by petitions, by writing to, by  
correspondence, by presenting briefs, by having television shows. There are many,  
many different ways having public meetings in which those views can be expressed.  
Q. So you have no quarrels with petitions, then?  
A. Of course not.  
Q. And you have no quarrels with letters to the editor?  
A. The only caveat I would use is the whole issue around privacy of individuals. Naming  
patients or naming physicians is something that we regard as a really serious issue,  
because it invades the privacy of individuals and creates a real problem in terms of the  
rights that individuals have to privacy in terms of the exercise of their profession and in  
terms of their exercise of choice for medical services. So if petitions include the names  
of individuals or if placards include the names of individuals or letters to the editor, name  
individuals whose consent has not been given to that naming, then I may well have  
some difficulty with thinking that that’s appropriate. Is it against the law, is another issue,  
and, of course, that’s why we are all trying to determine what the limits on that are.  
Q. I take it you know that if a person makes a statement which defames someone, it’s up  
to the person defamed to go to court and seek redress. I mean, you know as well as I,  
that that’s a private right that each one of us have.  
A. You and I both know that our laws on defamation and libel are somewhat difficult to  
apply, extraordinarily expensive to deal with and in fact, call down more and more  
publicity on individual private people. So it is a right that… in this kind of a case is a right  
that simply creates more and more difficulty and more and more adverse effect on  
individuals whose only action has been to seek medical care to which they are entitled, if  
they so choose it, and on providers who are trained and are exercising their ethical  
responsibility to patients who have chosen certain treatments.  
Q. But you’re seeking this injunction, are you not, to protect the public interest of  
Ontario?  
A. Yes.  
Q. You aren’t here to protect private interests?  
A. It is in the public interest of Ontario that each one of us is able to choose, seek and  
receive medical treatment that is legal.  
Q. I take it from what you’ve said that you have concluded as Attorney General that  
people should not make known publicly the names of doctors who provide abortions?  
A. I do not believe that it is appropriate in terms of this kind of activity to target  
individuals who are exercising their ethical responsibility as physicians or of people who  
have exercised their medical choice in that public way.  
Q. And by targeting, you mean identifying them as doctors who perform abortions?  
A. Yes. They can identify themselves, but when we begin this issue of interfering with  
the ability of professionals of any sort to carry through their ethical responsibility as  
professionals, I think that that could be very detrimental to the public interest. It certainly  
could in the legal profession…  
Q. I take it from what you’re saying, then, is that notwithstanding that the provision of  
abortion is a medical service funded under OHIP, in your view, it  
is not appropriate for doctors who perform that publicly funded service to be identified  
publicly? Would you agree or disagree with that proposition?  
A. I am not going to give you a direct answer, because I disagree…  
Q. A yes or a no answer.  
A. Well, then, I won’t answer the question.  
Q. Well, no.  
A. I’m sorry, I can’t answer the question in the way you put it, because if someone is  
identified as offering only one service out of a huge range of services that are offered  
and they’re identified as offering only one service when they may be offering  
gynaecological and obstetrical services, perhaps infertility treatments, perhaps all sorts  
of other issues that are related to the whole issue of reproductive health, it is… it could  
indeed be seen as being a very unfair defaming of their ability in what they are doing.  
Q. And that’s something you wish to stop?  
A. Well, I think that it should be of concern to all of us, because once that is allowed to  
happen, what it does is interfere with the ability of the province to ensure that we have  
well-trained, well-qualified and ethical physicians available to offer the services that we  
indeed should be and do offer and pay for for the citizens of Ontario. It becomes a public  
interest issue as opposed to a private issue when, in fact, what it does is create a  
situation in which we cannot ensure that those services are available by trained and  
qualified professionals.  
Q. And you’re aware, are you not, that the number of abortions performed in Ontario in  
the past three years has remained roughly constant?  
A. Yes. Legal abortions, anyway.  
Q. Well that still leads me to my question. Assume that a person has a sign which simply  
says, “Abortion kills children”, Where, in your opinion, as Attorney General of… your  
view as Attorney General of Ontario can that person go to hold that sign in a public  
fashion without conducting themselves in a way that creates a public person?  
Ms. Price: Don’t answer that.  
Mr. Brown: Give me a shopping list.  
Ms. Price: You’ve asked the same question now… I mean there’s got to be a limit… I  
don’t know how many times, Mr. Brown, and you’ve had the same question, and you’ve  
had your answer.  
Mr. Brown: So I’ve got the answer that you want before Judge Adams on that question?  
Ms. Price: My argument before Mr. Justice Adams…  
Mr. Brown: No, I’m not asking for an argument.  
Ms. Price: … will be my argument, my legal argument before Mr. Justice Adams. This  
witness is being produced as Attorney General and the arguments that will be made  
before Mr. Justice Adams will be based on the facts and the evidence in this case and  
they will be legal and factual arguments.  
Mr. Brown: Well, I would like the evidence from the Attorney General of this province…  
Ms. Price: Have my argument in writing in de facto.  
Mr. Brown: I would like the evidence from the Attorney General of this province as to  
where, in her view, as the chief law officer of this province, a person can go and hold a  
sign which reads: “Abortion kills children,” without creating a public nuisance.  
Ms. Price: Don’t answer that.  
Mr. Brown: OK.  
The Deponent: I don’t intend to.  
Ms. Price: The proceedings speak for themselves, Mr. Brown. Surely this is a complete  
waste of time.  
Mr. Brown: No, I’m content with that answer.  
[82] The Attorney-General’s examination also dealt with a statement by her which was  
reported in the press, advocating the picketing of a particular person at his residence. The  
statement related to a woman who was being stalked by her husband. A court had ordered a  
detachment of the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) to ensure the safety and security of the  
woman. As events unfolded, the Attorney-General viewed the substitution of a less restrictive  
(and costly) order as appropriate and, in April of that year, she was visited by the protestors  
who disagreed with her decision. Concerning this event, she made certain public statements  
which were examined upon in these proceedings (p. 48):  
But I want to show you a report that appeared in the London Free Press on May the 1st,  
1993 and this is Exhibit “L” to the affidavit of Kirk Gale, which is at page 275 of the  
respondents’ motion record and there is a passage on the second column which I will  
read and then show to you so you can see it… which reads: “The confrontation between  
Boyd and feminists in her own home town where she earned a reputation as one of the  
City’s most active advocates for women’s issues visibly disturbed the Minister. ‘I  
personally think the anger is misdirected. I think if the demonstration were taking place  
at the residence of the person who is harassing the individual (Thirnault), it would be  
more appropriate’, Boyd said after walking through the protest.” My first question,  
Ms. Boyd, and please feel free to take a look at the article, is am I correct that the  
statements attributed to you in the passages that I have read are a fair and accurate  
reporting of the comments which you made on that occasion?  
A. They are, but not in the context of a public comment. I was… made that as a private  
comment when I was extraordinarily angry and retracted it in the next breath, which is  
not reported, and said, “What a stupid thing to say,” because, I mean, basically that is  
not my belief. I was extremely angry and, of course, once it was out of my mouth,  
realized immediately that that is not at all the way that I would want people to behave. I,  
in fact, had occasion to apologize to the individual and his family through his brother  
when it was published. I did not know that the reporter had overheard that comment. It  
was said to supporters and I did not know that the reporter had overheard that comment  
and was disappointed that if she had overheard that comment, she did not also report  
what I subsequently said…  
Q. And am I correct that notwithstanding that it was published in the London Free Press,  
that there has been no public correction of that remark?  
A. I believe my office did call the reporter, but as far… I do not know whether there was  
a public retraction. I certainly didn’t see one, so.  
[83] Her examination also dealt with the hypothetical situation of “one lone picketer”. In this  
respect, the Attorney-General gives the following answer (pp. 54, 56):  
Q. Will the effect of the injunction you seek include the prohibition of one lone picketer, if  
we call them that, standing on the public sidewalk or walking slowly on the public  
sidewalk holding a sign and doing nothing else? Is that the effect that you seek?  
A. The effect that we seek is to prevent persons who are seeking medical services and  
those who are providing them from being intimidated and harassed by persistent  
behaviours of picketers and those who are attempting to prevent them from exercising  
their rights.  
Q. Madam Attorney General, I think I am entitled to a more specific response. I’m saying  
within that category, do you seek to obtain the effect… use the words that your  
counsel’s put to me… of obtaining an order that will limit and prevent a single picketer  
from standing and holding a sign?  
Ms. Price: Go ahead and answer.  
The Deponent: That may well be one effect.  
Q. Secondly, Attorney General, would you agree with me that the effect that you seek  
would prevent people from standing and quietly praying or walking and quietly praying in  
the vicinity of an abortion clinic or one of the other locations? Do you agree that that is  
an effect that you seek?  
A. That might be an effect if it indeed offended against the various parts of the  
injunction.  
[84] The Attorney-General was questioned on whether she considered any less intrusive  
means before commencing this action (pp. 62-71):  
Q. And did the Attorney General, before commencing this action, consider whether you  
could accomplish that twofold objection by seeking a less intrusive type of injunction?  
A. We certainly can list a number of possibilities and, indeed, had over a number of  
months tried to explore different possibilities in terms of protective devices for the  
various facilities, different ways of dealing with the communities involved. It was our  
conclusion that this was the only means that we had at our disposal to try and deal with  
these acts at a number of specific locations…  
Q. Was there any reason why you didn’t… Is there any specific reason why a less  
intrusive injunction, which might not cover the types of activity that I have been talking to  
you about, would not work to accomplish her objective of assuring access to the medical  
service?  
A. Given the concerns that were expressed by those who were being affected by the  
actions, this was the decision that this was the only means that we had to prevent the  
kind of effect that all the range of behaviours that were happening at those particular  
locations…  
Q. Did the Attorney General’s department consider legislating as opposed to seeking  
this injunction, recommending legislation, presumably to Cabinet, rather than seeking  
this injunction?  
A. We certainly looked at what the possibilities might be within our jurisdiction. The  
concerns that we would have around the effects…  
[85] The Attorney-General was also examined on the nature of the highly political abortion  
issue (p. 73 and following):  
Q. You, in response, to Mr. Brown, you indicated your acknowledgement that abortion is  
a highly political issue. There is no question about that between us.  
A. And highly personal. And the personal and the political are very intertwined.  
Q. Yes. And there are, in this country, a significant percentage of the population who  
take contrary views. There are a large number of people who fall within the category of  
pro-choice and a large number that would fall within the category of pro-life. Would you  
agree with that?  
A. Yes, but I wouldn’t restrict it to our country.  
Q. I’m just dealing with our country.  
A. I mean, I think this is an issue that is a world-wide issue.  
Q. Yes.  
A. And one that concerns people from their particular perspective and indeed it is.  
Q. Yes. And it’s not an issue that’s specifically related to gender. There are men and  
women on both sides of the debate?  
A. Absolutely.  
Q. And there are political parties on both sides of the debate?  
A. Yes.  
Q. And your…  
A. And individuals within political parties on both sides of the debate.  
Q. I am sure of that. Is it fair to say that your government is the first government in  
Ontario that has definitively taken a pro-choice stand?  
A. I believe it is.  
Q. And you identified the stand of your government as being opposed to the stand, for  
instance taken by the Tory Federal Government which put forward Bill C-43 and passed  
it through the House of Commons?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Okay. And you recognize that this is an issue and the objection to abortion is not  
something which is just confined to a small minority of the Canadian population and the  
entire population? There’s a large group of people that take the other side of the issue  
than you take, or your government takes?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Okay. And then the task group report was put together… Sorry, when the task group  
was put together which provided the… I’ll call it the task force report. You know what I  
mean?  
A. Sure.  
Q. … it was understood by your government that this was a group which represented  
only one side of the debate?  
A. Yes, it was definitely called a task group of abortion service providers and my  
assumption would be that no one would be providing those services if they didn’t  
support the issues.  
Q. It was strictly a pro-choice group?  
A. Yes.  
[86] The Attorney-General discloses her awareness that the most recent picketing activity  
at clinics is qualitatively different than the activity which had reached a crescendo immediately  
prior to 1990 (pp. 77-8):  
Q. And you’re aware that the picketing activity reached a crescendo in 1988 and 1989 in  
Toronto?  
A. So I understand.  
Q. With large pickets, some of them involving 100 people or more forming blockades of  
Dr. Morgentaler’s clinic?  
A. I think that’s common knowledge.  
Q. And the Scott clinic in Toronto, for instance?  
A. Yes.  
Q. And you are aware that… and that was the context in which your government made a  
public statement in November, 1990 with respect to supporting access to abortion. One  
of the factors considered was the large amount of picketing that had been occurring in  
‘88, ‘89 and into the early part of ‘90; is that correct?  
A. Well, it was a much broader context than that. I mean, those were some of the factors  
but there were other factors, including the very very public and very much more  
reasoned debate that had occurred over the period of time while the legislation was  
being considered by the Federal Government and was in front of the Senate, and that  
was a situation in which, quite frankly, there was a great deal of informed debate back  
and forth, and, in fact, some clarity that in general there was a support among the  
Canadian people for access to abortion.  
The Deponent: We have stated that we are pro-choice, that we see it as part of our  
responsibility as government to ensure that access to these services is available and to  
ensure that there are well trained physicians to provide those services and facilities in  
which they are provided.  
Q. The members of the Pro-Choice Movement and thinking specifically the organizations  
represented on the task group, CARAL, C-A-R-A-L, Ontario Coalition for Abortion  
Clinics, urge your government to restrict picketing around abortion clinics in Toronto and  
elsewhere, did they not?  
A. Certainly.  
[87] There has been picketing in front of several hospitals which is not the subject-matter of  
this action or injunction application. The Attorney-General was examined on the reasons for  
the selection of locations in these proceedings and states (p. 84):  
Q. OK. Was there a reason that the, for instance, the picketing in front of the Hamilton  
Henderson Hospital, McMaster Medical Centre where Dr. [Scime] pickets, wasn’t  
restrained. Is there a reason why some picketing was restrained and other picketing  
hasn’t been restrained? …  
The Deponent: All I can tell you is that the very careful work that was done by Ministry  
staff in investigating anecdotal evidence as it came forward and the kinds of things that  
they knew, the determination was made of where the clearest instances of this kind of  
behaviour that was indeed being perceived as harassing and intimidating where there  
had been a willingness on the part of those who were feeling harassed and intimidated  
to participate in the process and were asking for the process that those locations were  
the ones that were brought forward and named.  
[88] The Attorney-General agrees that there was no consultation with pro-life organizations  
prior to commencing the action and that picketing had diminished in 1993 (p. 112):  
Q. Ms. Boyd, were you aware when you instructed your staff to commence this action  
that the size of the picketing in Toronto, I’m not familiar with outside of Toronto, but the  
size of picketing in Toronto has diminished, I think it’s fair to say diminished in the size of  
pickets significantly between the period ‘88, ‘89 and what’s happening in ‘93? A. The  
number of pickets at any given time?  
Q. Yes. The large massive picketing…  
A. Yes, I was aware of that.  
Q. … of 100 people or more. You were aware of that. And were you aware that apart  
from particular isolated occasions, appears to be three or four times a year, perhaps a  
few more than that, apart from those limited occasions in Toronto, that the number of  
picketing… the number of people picketing is usually in the range of two, three, four,  
five, or six, most often at the bottom of that range? Were you aware of that?  
A. I wouldn’t care to speak to the range or actual numbers, but I certainly knew it was  
considerably less than the large numbers that had been picketing in the late’ 80s.  
[89] The Attorney-General was examined on the potentially intimidating effect of this action  
on those individuals named as defendants (pp. 118-19):  
Q. Ms. Boyd, did you consider that the commencement of this action against those  
named individuals, and indeed any of the named individuals, and specifically seeking  
not only injunctive relief but also $500,000.00 in punitive damages, did you consider that  
that would have a very intimidating effect on these people? Did you consider thatsuing  
them for $500,000.00?  
A. The issue of punitive damages is obviously an issue around the seriousness with  
which we regard the activities.  
Q. Yes.  
A. It’s an indicator that we regard these activities as very deleterious to the public  
interest and you know that it is a common practice to ask that kind of relief.  
Q. … And presumably up till April the 19th, from that period on, did you consider that it  
would have a very intimidating impact on those individuals?  
A. When individuals are seriously infringing on the lawful rights of others the law’s  
responsibility is to try to deter that behaviour. And if deterring that behaviour is  
considered intimidation, it is by many criminals, as you know, then, you know, that may  
be… that might be the view of those particular individuals. The intention was, obviously  
in doing this, to stop the behaviour, to have specific instances that could be put before  
the court, not general instances, but specific instances where specific behaviours could  
be alleged and defended, and the court could make a determination.  
[90] Also in issue in these proceedings is the effect of the injunction on those who would  
wish to obtain information from picketers or from so called “sidewalk counsellors”. In this  
respect, the Attorney-General was examined as follows (at pp. 1214):  
Q. Did you consider that the injunction that you were seeking would prevent women from  
obtaining information or receiving information that they might wish to receive in front of  
an abortion clinic?  
A. Our government believes very strongly that these decisions around medical services  
need to be based on full information. We’ve also, you are very well aware, believe that  
information should be widely available, publicly available, before people make their  
decisions.  
Q. Yes.  
A. It is very clear to us that it is intimidating and harassing individuals who have already  
made a decision and made a very difficult decision to, on their way into a medical  
procedure, to be accosted by people with information that is statedly geared to convince  
them to change their mind precipitously, without consideration and without support at  
that particular moment. So that is a real concern. We do believe that the full information  
issue is a very important one, we do believe that door knob, frightening information  
given to people who already made that determination and are on their way to receive a  
procedure, is not an appropriate giving of information.  
Q. So do I take it…  
A. It is an intimidation.  
Q. So do I take it from your answer that you considered… you certainly consider that  
women considering abortion have the right to information to make an informed decision?  
A. To full and complete information.  
Q. We agree on that. And you agree with me that they have the right to receive that from  
whomever they choose?  
A. The whole issue that’s involved in this injunction is that there is no choice when  
someone has made a very difficult decision and is on their way to keep an appointment  
to carry that out, that that is not choosing to receive information from someone who  
thrusts it at them at that point…  
Q. Ms. Boyd…  
A. … whatever side that information.  
Q. … with the greatest of respect, if you could answer that question and, and my  
question was, do you agree with me that a woman has the right to receive the  
information she chooses? I understand your position about how women may not choose  
certain things, but do you agree that they have the right to make the choice to receive  
information or not to receive it?  
Ms. Price: Don’t answer that.  
The Deponent: I’m not going to.  
Ms. Price: That is so unrelated to what goes on…  
Q. Did you know that there were women who, in front of abortion clinics in Toronto, had  
stopped on the sidewalk, had spoken to the Pro-Life picketers, consciously decided to  
continue speaking to them, and indeed, some of those people have filed affidavits in this  
case saying that they found those picketers helpful to them, compassionate, caring, and  
they were assisted by that information and the time that was spent with them? Did you  
know that or consider that when you sought the injunction?  
Ms. Price: Have we seen your affidavits?  
Mr. Jervis: Well, apart from that. That information was out there. The fact that I found it  
out in…  
The Deponent: There are claims and counterclaims on all of these issues, and the  
purpose of this whole proceeding is to deal with this as it should be appropriately dealt  
with through the full information in front of the court.  
Q. Okay. Do you agree with me that if a woman, and I’m referring specifically to some  
affidavits. I won’t take the time to read them to you, but your counsel have read them.  
Do you agree with me that women who want to receive information in front of a clinic  
from Dr. Morgentaler or from Joanne Dieleman, one of my clients, if they want to receive  
that information, that this injunction prohibit them from receiving it from Joanne Dieleman  
in front of the clinic, even if they want to receive that information.  
A. And it will be her responsibility to find another location at which to provide that  
information where it is not in that kind of an immediate and harassing and intimidating  
situation.  
Q. Were you aware of the fact that a number of women who go into abortion clinics…  
I’m not saying it’s the majority, but a number of women are ambivalent and in the clinic  
decide not to go ahead with the procedure?  
A. Yes, often on the… with working through and counselling with people who are there,  
part of their task within the clinics and part of their ethical responsibility, as they clearly  
see it, is to ensure the people understand what they are doing, and are giving consent to  
the procedure and understand the consequences of the choice.  
[91] On the issue of the relationship between the Task Group Report and the decision of  
the government to initiate this action, the Attorney-General testifies (pp. 150-2, 154-5):  
Q. Was the message being conveyed to you by the participants, Ms. Boyd, that it was  
time for the government finally to seek an injunction to restrain anti-abortion picketing?  
A. That was one of the issues that they raised, but there were a number of others. They  
were particularly critical, as I recall, of the efforts that the Health Ministry had done in  
terms of providing security funding. They thought that was inadequate. They were critical  
of the Ministry of the Solicitor General, feeling that they were not getting the appropriate  
attention when they made complaints to the police. I mean it was a fairly… I think  
probably pretty much a repeat of what had been said from the press reports anyways, I  
gather, at their press conference.  
Q. But one of the messages that was coming through was it’s time to get an injunction?  
A. That was one of the things they were talking about, but again, as I recall, they were  
certainly talking about a very broadly based province-wide kind of thing. That was their  
vision of what…  
Q. Am I correct then that the decision was made in part in response to the complaints  
that were voiced to you by abortion service providers and clinics at that meeting on  
March 26, 1993?  
A. Since those kinds of complaints and representations have been made in a very  
consistent way frequently from 1990 on, that was certainly not the significant factor at all.  
The significant issue was that we had done our work and gathered information. The  
group, of course, was aware that we were doing that. They weren’t unaware that we  
were doing that, because I would assume that some of the group either had contact with  
or may have been contacted themselves to do that. But I, basically, would say that what  
we heard at the meeting was not qualitatively very different from what those particular  
groups had been saying for some years.  
Q. Can I take it, given that that meeting was on March the 26th, and that come April the  
9th you decided to commence an injunction, you gave some insurance or comfort to the  
participants at that meeting that it was likely an injunction was going to be commenced?  
A. No. At that point a decision had not been taken. At that point I had not had an  
opportunity to read through the affidavits that had been collected and to seek and obtain  
legal advice on what the strength of the various parts of the case might be. What I was…  
I was only prepared to do at that meeting was to listen to their viewpoint and to assure  
them that indeed, contrary to what they had suggested at their press conference, it is not  
a question of an uncaring government. That we eared about those issues but that we  
could not proceed with an injunction proceeding unless we were very clear that we had  
a credible case and I, in fact, if I recall correctly, issued some warnings to them about  
their apparent belief that an injunction would necessarily have the result, if it were even  
granted, and cautioning them about that, that they seemed to expect that it would, and  
reminded them that Dr. Morgentaler had an injunction and his clinic was still blown up  
and that they may be putting far too much weight on the vehicle of an injunction.  
Q. Okay. Now, this report was released in December of 1992. This action was  
commenced in April of 1993 and that was within six months of the issuance of the report.  
And I take it that the injunction was issued at that time in order to satisfy the timing  
recommendation that was made by the Task Group as set out in your report?  
A. Absolutely not.  
Q. So the fact that…  
A. The fact that the timing was dependent solely upon having the available evidence to  
have a credible case and the legal advice that, in fact, it was appropriate to proceed.  
Q. So the fact that the action was commenced within a six month period, as  
recommended by the task group, is simply a matter of coincidence?  
A. If you look at all these other immediate demands of this group, it will become quite  
clear to you that they do not have the power you appear to be prescribing to them and  
they certainly don’t over an Attorney General’s decision-making.  
[92] The Attorney-General was cross-examined on the relationship of this action to events  
in the United States. In this respect, she states (pp. 162-5):  
Q. Okay. Now, following that, there was an article in the Globe and Mail on April 21,  
1993, which is marked as Exhibit “K” to the Gayle affidavit, page 274 of the respondents’  
motion record, and I have highlighted in yellow a paragraph which reads, “Ms. Boyd told  
reporters yesterday that the government wants to reduce the chance that protests will  
turn violent and lead to attacks on doctors. U.S. physician was recently killed by an  
anti-abortion protestor. ‘Obviously escalation of this kind of behaviour into violence in the  
United States has to be of concern to us’, the Attorney General said, adding that she is  
concerned not about picketing but about attempts to block access to abortionists.” And  
you can take a look at that. I’ve highlighted it in yellow, Ms. Boyd. Am I correct that that’s  
a fair and accurate report and summary of at least one of the statements that you made  
to the media on that day?  
A. To the best of my recollection it is, yes.  
Q. And am I correct that from the concluding language in the quote that I read to you, as  
indicated your main concern not with the fact of picketing but with conduct that will  
prevent access to abortions; correct?  
A. As I have said again and again.  
Q. And in referring to access to abortions, am I correct that by that you were not  
referring to people physically blocking others from entering into premises? Am I correct  
in that?  
A. I am talking, as I have all along, about the issue of people intimidating and harassing  
people and preventing their feeling safe and secure in terms of seeking a medical  
service and being able to seek that medical service in a confidential way, and physicians  
being able and willing to provide those services in a safe and confidential way.  
Q. Okay. And am I also correct in looking at that article that one of the factors which  
influenced you in commencing this action when you did were certain events that were  
taking place in the United States of America?  
A. Certainly it was impossible for us, given the work that we were doing, not to be very  
aware that there had been a very marked escalation of violence from… in some  
instances in the United States, from what had begun as “peaceful picketing”, that is  
being claimed by some of those who take the action.  
Q. So it was your perception then, as the Attorney General, that in the United States the  
trend m anti-abortion protests was moving from the peaceful to the violent and that was  
a matter of concern to you?  
A. Yes.  
Q. In answer to questions put by my friend, Mr. Jervis, I think you agreed that based  
upon your knowledge, that the crescendo of anti-abortion picketing in Ontario seemed to  
take place in 1988 and 1989. Did I understand that answer correctly?  
A. … The largest crowds of people seemed to be more prevalent in that period of time,  
but if we are talking about looking at the American kind of situation, there is definitely an  
ebb and flow in activity, depending upon the kind of legal issues that are being raised at  
any particular time and the high profile of things that are going on in this area. And it  
would not, in my view, had been safe for us to have assumed that because there was  
somewhat lower numerical activity, that it was not serious.  
Q. Okay. Well, I think from what you’ve just said, that you’d agree with me that since the  
Operation Rescuelike demonstrations of the late 1980s, the anti-abortion picketing  
which has taken place in Ontario, as a general rule, has involved much smaller numbers  
of people and it is a fairly low-key kind of picketing as picketing goes?  
A. As… yes, in that sense. However, the persistence, particularly with respect to  
physicians’ homes and the kinds of public statements about the purpose of that action  
being to discourage patients and to discourage physicians from undertaking this issue,  
in fact, in terms of that, the determination expressed is certainly more focused and  
stronger, and very clearly focused on preventing patients from making a choice that  
would involve abortion and preventing physicians from choosing to offer those services.  
Q. But you’d agree with me that certainly during, or since your, or during your tenure as  
Minister for Women’s Issues and most recently as Attorney General, the picketing of  
which you… the anti-abortion picketing of which you are aware is generally low-key, non  
violent and quiet?  
A. I would not characterize it that way. I would say that it has taken on a different  
character which is intrusive on the privacy and the confidentiality of patients and their  
physicians, that it has taken on a different tack which may appear and may be presented  
as being more benign but which, in fact, may have as great an effect and, in fact,  
perhaps even a larger effect because people may perceive it to be benign and may not  
recognize the impact of that kind of behaviour on those who are seeking medical  
services and those who are providing.  
Q. But I take it, in fairness, that you aren’t equating a picketer praying in front of the  
clinic with an individual who goes out and shoots a doctor? A. Well, if you read the  
accounts of these events that have occurred, you will be very well aware that it is  
impossible for peaceful picketers to in any way control or ascertain when someone who  
is inclined to violence may take advantage of a situation that a community has become  
used to as regarding as peaceful, to take advantage of that and act violently.  
Q. Well, you are always going to have rogues in any crowd, aren’t you?  
Ms. Price: What if there’s no crowd?  
The Deponent: Unless there’s no crowd to provide cover and to provide a social cover, a  
social acceptability around this kind of thing, a social acceptability for the right of one  
person to determine that they have a right to interfere with the exercise of choice by  
someone who is acting within their rights to seek medical treatment that they’ve chosen.  
[93] Finally, in this latter regard, the Attorney-General was asked to distinguish between  
peaceful picketing in front of abortion clinics and the same kind of picketing in the labour  
context. In this respect, she testifies (pp. 165-6):  
Q. But in the labour context, you’d agree with me that certainly if people are engaged in  
a lawful picket of a factory, it is not your concern as Attorney General that there may be  
some rogue who goes out and does something? That doesn’t prevent the people  
engaged in the lawful picketing from going on picketing, does it?  
A. Not… well…  
Ms. Price: Haven’t we been around and around and around this issue? It’s now almost  
7:30 and you’ve been asking, the two of you, about picketing over…  
Mr. Jervis: Are you objecting to the question?  
The Deponent: In a labour management dispute, there are two sides, both of whom  
have a personal, direct personal interest in the outcome of the resolution of that dispute  
and they are engaged in a means of trying to determine who, in fact, can win that  
particular dispute through the mechanism of withdrawal of labour or lockout of labour,  
which is just as common. And it’s very different when a third party, who is not involved in  
the decision making of an individual who is seeking medical services or the decision of a  
physician to provide those services, to make a determination that it is appropriate to try  
and intimidate and harass those individuals into making a different choice. I see that as  
a totally different form of picketing and totally different form of protest than a situation  
where two parties are engaged in labour negotiations and where they are both  
interested parties. Totally different.  
IV  
EVENTS GIVING RISE TO THESE PROCEEDINGS  
(a) London  
(i) Jack Baribeau  
[94] The defendant, Jack Baribeau (“Baribeau”), is 36 years of age, married and the father  
of three children. Baribeau owns a construction business in London. Since the summer of  
1990, Baribeau has acted as President of the London Area Campaign Life Coalition  
(“LACLC”), in which capacity he organizes seminars, lobbies politicians and monitors the  
media coverage of pro-life issues to ensure that fair coverage and accurate information is  
given. Baribeau’s participation in picketing has been limited to:  
(1) attending a candlelight vigil each year on January 28th at the Baseline Road boundary of  
the Victoria Hospital to commemorate the anniversary of the Supreme Court of Canada’s  
decision striking down the abortion law in Canada;  
(2) participating three times in the annual Life Chain in London; and  
(3) on one occasion, observing a prayer walk in front of the residence of Dr. Fraser Fellows, a  
physician and specialist in obstetrics and gynaecology on staff at University Hospital.  
[95] He has, however, participated in the co-ordination and implementation of picketing by  
others at the homes of health care providers such as Dr. Fellows. In an article under his name  
bearing the title “More Doctors to be Target of Picketing” published in the London Free Press  
on February 15, 1992, Baribeau wrote:  
Pro-life advocates have been picketing outside a London doctor’s home in recent  
weeks. This may be controversial, but we do not take our actions lightly. Anything  
related to the abortion issue is serious.  
In the absence of an abortion law in Canada, pro-life advocates have fewer options  
available to secure the protection of unborn children. That’s why we picket. And that’s  
why you see more pickets.  
Since 1988: picketing has taken place at various times at University and Victoria  
hospitals and one London doctor’s home since the abortion law was struck down in  
1988. It will continue as long as our government fails to protect the rights of the unborn.  
Other abortionists are being contacted, or will be contacted in the future, and should  
they continue to perform abortions, they may see pickets outside their homes, too.  
We do not picket on a whim. Generally, it is a last resort.  
Contact is made by mail or in person to request a meeting to discuss or request that a  
doctor stop performing abortions.  
Many doctors quit at this stage. Some are relieved to have an excuse to quit, some are  
ashamed of this aspect of their occupation and do not want it publicized. Others fear  
losing too many patients when this part of their practice is publicized. Still, others do not  
feel it is worth the inconvenience of being targeted for home picketing.  
Doctors who won’t quit are warned that their home will be targeted. We then circulate  
the doctor’s name among pro-life groups and organize volunteers. Participants are  
instructed to be peaceful, obey the laws, not to block the sidewalk and to pray for the  
abortionist and his family.  
Whatever the reasons, we know it works. Doctors do quit performing abortions and  
replacements are becoming tougher to find.  
Those who provide abortions have been desensitized to what they are doing. The  
primary object in targeting their homes is to remind them of that fact.  
The hours spent picketing are in addition to volunteer time given elsewhere. Numerous  
pro-life organizations and individuals in the London area provide crisis pregnancy  
counselling, material assistance, homes for unwed mothers, follow-up care and post-  
abortion syndrome counselling.  
Picketing is not new but it has proven effective in Canada and in the United States.  
In early 1987, pro-life activists in Cambridge contacted four doctors in the city and  
requested that they stop performing abortions. Two quit immediately. The other two  
refused, and Cambridge Right to Life began regular picketing of their offices. By  
September, 1990, both doctors had quit.  
Vacuum: There’s another reason why we picket—to inform the public that a legal  
vacuum exists in Canada. Many people do not known that it is not illegal in Canada to  
abort a foetus at any point during the pregnancy.  
Picketing may be controversial, but it’s not illegal. The freedom to demonstrate and our  
freedom of speech are protected in Canada.  
For all these reasons, home picketing has become a national Campaign Life initiative.  
We can expect to see more of it as pro-life activists work towards legislated protection  
for the unborn.  
No one enjoys picketing. But those who do it are convinced their action will make a  
difference. You will be seeing a lot more of us, may be in your neighbourhood.  
(Emphasis added.)  
(ii) John Bulsza  
[96] The defendant John Bulsza (“Bulsza”) is 43 years of age, married and the father of two  
children. Bulsza is a teacher for the London and Middlesex County Roman Catholic Separate  
School Board. He has worked with organizations assisting the mentally handicapped and has  
coached several elementary and high school sports teams. Every Thursday afternoon, Bulsza  
pickets on the public sidewalk bordering the Victoria Hospital. He has done so since July,  
1990. His fellow participants with him range from one to five in number. They alternate among  
three locations: Baseline Road, Wellington Street at Commissioner’s Road and a location  
further east along Commissioner’s Road. These pickets are generally silent and the  
participants carry a variety of signs protesting against abortion.  
[97] Since 1991, Bulsza has also joined a “Rosary for Life” walk which is held on the first  
Saturday of each month from 9:00 a.m. to 9:30 a.m. Following a Mass at the Holy Rosary  
Church a few blocks north of the Victoria Hospital, participants walk quietly to the Baseline  
Road boundary of the hospital where prayers are recited. The group then returns to the  
church.  
[98] He has twice picketed on the public sidewalk in front of University Hospital. He has  
also picketed along the public sidewalk on Richmond Street and Grosvenor Street in front of  
the St. Joseph’s Health Centre. There was one picket in November of 1992 and pickets at  
noon hour on Mondays in May, June and July of 1993. Bulsza also picketed the building on  
Huron Street in which Dr. Avinoam Chernick maintains an office. Dr. Chernick is a physician  
and surgeon specializing in obstetrics and gynaecology. Bulsza picketed this office building  
some six times between the fall of 1992 and April of 1993, when this action commenced.  
[99] He has also periodically picketed on the public sidewalk on the west side of Wellington  
Street in front of 339 Wellington Road South, where Dr. Robins, a physician and specialist in  
obstetrics and gynaecology, maintains an office.  
[100] From January, 1992 until July, 1992, Bulsza participated once or twice a week in a  
prayer walk in front of Dr. Fellows’ residence at 1057 Fraser Avenue in London, Ontario.  
Dr. Fellows lives with his wife and two adult children, his son’s girlfriend and a grandson. The  
house is located on a small cul de sac in a quiet residential area in north London. The street  
is one block long and has only six homes. There is very little traffic on the street. Bulsza has  
also picketed with a small group of people on the public road in front of Dr. Robins’ house  
about once every six weeks since July, 1992. Dr. Robins lives at 201 Huntcliffe Drive in  
London, Ontario with his wife and three children. His home too is located in a quiet residential  
area on the outskirts of the City of London.  
[101] Bulsza and a small group of people picketed on the public road in front of the  
residence of Dr. Allen about seven times between July, 1992 and June, 1993. Dr. Allen  
resides at 736 Springbank Drive in London, Ontario with his wife. Springbank Drive is a fairly  
busy suburban main street with neighbours located on one side of Dr. Allen’s house and a  
park directly across the street. There is no sidewalk in front of the home.  
(iii) George Dienesch  
[102] The defendant George Dienesch (“Dienesch”) is 23 years of age and a student of  
philosophy at the University of Waterloo. From 1988 until 1990, Dienesch attended the  
University of Western Ontario. From September 1, 1990 until August, 1991, Dienesch studied  
at a Catholic seminary in Connecticut, U.S.A. On his return, he continued his studies at King’s  
College at the University of Western Ontario and then in September, 1992, he enrolled at the  
University of Waterloo.  
[103] In 1989 and the first half of 1990, Dienesch picketed on the public sidewalk in front of  
the University Hospital every Friday. He usually picketed alone, although he was joined by  
others on occasion. He picketed at the same location for several months after August, 1991.  
In the fall of 1989, Dienesch picketed in front of Dr. Fellows’ house four times in about three  
weeks. In the fall of 1991, Dienesch resumed picketing at this location once a week by  
himself. From January, 1992 until September, 1992, Dienesch joined others in a daily prayer  
walk in front of the Fellows’ residence. Dienesch participated daily for four months and less  
frequently during the summer. He would also participate in the pickets in front of  
Dr. Chernick’s residence and periodically participated in the pickets at Dr. Robins’ house.  
Since his transfer to Waterloo in September, 1992, Dienesch has rarely participated in the  
pickets.  
(iv) Jim Hughes  
[104] The defendant Jim Hughes (“Hughes”) is 50 years of age and is the President of  
Campaign Life Coalition Canada, the political arm of the pro-life movement. He works almost  
exclusively in the political arena coordinating pro-life political strategy and is involved in  
political campaigns at the provincial and federal levels. Hughes has participated in provincial  
strategy phone conferences where Campaign Life Coalition’s approach to home picketing has  
been coordinated and discussed. In response to the Task Group’s report, Hughes stated in  
The Interim for January, 1993:  
They’re getting nervous. This report is a response to our efforts. The home and office  
pickets have worked extremely well all over the province, especially in Cambridge,  
Kingston, Windsor and London.  
(v) Rhonda Wood  
[105] The defendant Rhonda Wood (“Wood”), is 40 years of age, married and the mother of  
two children. She is the Ontario coordinator of Campaign Life Coalition and secretary to the  
board of Campaign Life Coalition. She has also participated in provincial strategy phone  
conferences where Campaign Life Coalition’s approach to home picketing has been  
coordinated and discussed. On March 25, 1993, the defendants Mary Ellen Douglas,  
Baribeau, Joanne Dieleman and Wood held a joint press conference in which they spoke in  
their respective official capacities (all but Dieleman are members of the executive of  
Campaign Life Coalition and Dieleman spoke in her capacity as Director of Aid to Women,  
which is supported by Campaign Life Coalition). The first sentence of their press release  
reads:  
These people who are here today are pro-life leaders who are involved in peaceful  
protests outside abortion facilities and abortionists’ homes.  
(vi) Victoria Hospital  
[106] Picketing occurred at the old Victoria Hospital near South Street prior to 1985 and the  
hospital did not seek an injunction at that time to restrain the activity. The Westminster  
campus of the hospital is located in an area bounded by Commissioners Road Wellington  
Street and Baseline Road. The picketing occurs at four locations, all on public property:  
(1) the public sidewalk running along Commissioners Road and Wellington Street which is  
separated from hospital property by a fence;  
(2) on the public sidewalk along the north side of Commissioners Road near the Western  
Counties Wing Road of the hospital;  
(3) on the public sidewalk on either side of the northern entrance to the hospital off Baseline  
Road where there is a set of stop lights; and  
(4) slightly further to the east where Baseline Road turns sharply to the north.  
[107] Both Wellington Road and Commissioners Road are major London thoroughfares. The  
professional block in which the Women’s Health Clinic is located and where abortion services  
are provided is set back considerably from Baseline Road. The volume of traffic on Baseline  
Road varies during the day but at times, it is a busy thoroughfare. Two public bus routes run  
through the hospital property, with a bus stop near the Women’s Health Clinic.  
[108] Brian Mumberson, Director of Security at the Victoria Hospital, has acknowledged that  
all the picketing activity takes place on the public sidewalk. The picketing is peaceful and the  
picketers do not stand on roadways to obstruct or impede the flow of traffic into the hospital.  
The picketing has been going on since 1985 and the hospital has not sought an injunction.  
Mr. Finney, Director of Communications for the hospital, in a letter to Baribeau on February 3,  
1993, thanked him for his “commitment to keeping demonstrations peaceful and respectful”.  
[109] Dr. Robins has observed picketers at the Baseline Road entrance to Victoria Hospital.  
Indeed, he has seen a single picketer there innumerable times. The person usually is there  
between 4:00 and 6:00 p.m. There are occasions when the picketer may say to Dr. Robins,  
“Dr. Robins, stop doing abortions.” The doctor has never contacted hospital security about the  
picketer.  
[110] Dr. Allen maintains an office at Victoria Hospital at the Westminster Tower. He is on  
the staff at the University Hospital and St. Joseph’s Health Centre in London, Ontario and  
provides back-up assistance to the Victoria Hospital Women’s Health Unit. The primary focus  
of his practice is currently gynaecology and gynaecology cancer research. In a supporting  
role with the Women’s Health Unit, he also provides abortion services. Dr. Allen performs  
about two abortions per week at Victoria Hospital. Until early 1993, he performed three to four  
abortions per week. Dr. Allen’s patients generally consult him in his office.  
[111] Dr. Allen, in his affidavit, states that in the fall of 1992, two 16-year-old patients, who  
were scheduled to come to the Women’s Health Care Unit in Victoria Hospital for abortions,  
informed him that they became nervous and afraid because of picketers parading back and  
forth outside the hospital. As a result, they decided not to enter Victoria Hospital.  
Consequently, they missed their scheduled appointments and had to return to the unit the  
following day. He observed them to be very nervous even at that time, making it necessary for  
him to provide assurances about their safety while in the Women’s Health Unit.  
[112] On cross-examination, it was apparent that Dr. Allen has no direct knowledge of the  
alleged incident. It was reported to him by hospital staff and the next day he appears to have  
treated only one of the two patients. He was unsure how the two patients came upon the  
picketers because a bus can be taken into the hospital grounds, thereby avoiding the  
picketers. As well, there are several other routes that could have been taken, even on foot, to  
avoid the picketers. The incident was not reported to hospital security.  
[113] Dr. Allen recalls that a nurse had advised him she was upset by the presence of  
picketers and was afraid to walk by them. But the nurse’s name was not provided to the  
defendants and no incident was reported to the Director of Security for the hospital. Dr. Allen  
agrees that picketers generally walk quietly up and down the sidewalk carrying their signs.  
However, at times, they “shake” their signs at passing motorists. Dr. Fellows is not familiar  
with the picketing at Victoria Hospital since the picketers usually picket during the late  
afternoon or the weekend when Dr. Fellows is not present.  
(vii) University Hospital  
[114] Representatives of University Hospital did not testify in these proceedings The  
picketing has occurred in front of the hospital since at least 1989. In 1990, Dr. Robins saw  
picketers standing at the public bus stop in front of University Hospital. They were walking  
quietly back and forth on the sidewalk. Dr. Robins has not been to the hospital in the last  
three years. When Dr. Fellows saw the picketers in front of the hospital in 1990 and 1991,  
they were standing on the sidewalk area in the vicinity of the public bus shelter. A flurry of  
picketing at the hospital occurred in 1991, according to Dr. Fellows, and any further activity  
has been “sporadic”.  
(viii) St Joseph’s Health Centre  
[115] The Attorney-General has not adduced evidence through a representative of  
St. Joseph’s Health Centre. Dr. Fellows maintains an office in the St. Joseph’s Health Centre  
where he sees his patients, including patients who are seeking abortions. Patients access the  
hospital by four entrances. The picketing which Dr. Fellows has observed has taken place on  
the sidewalk on the north side of Grosvenor Street near one of the entrances to the hospital  
located there. He has seen up to five picketers at that location and picketers have appeared  
sporadically for several years.  
(ix) The signage  
[116] In London, the signage generally employed by picketers includes:  
Dr. Fellows Kills Unborn Children  
Dr. Fellows Does Abortions!  
The Hidden HolocaustHuman Garbage  
Justice for the Unborn  
Another Child LOST by Abortions … HOW MANY MORE???  
Dr. Ron RobinsPlease Stop Killing Unborn Babies  
Dr. Fraser FellowsPlease Stop Killing Unborn Babies  
Victoria Women’s Health Care Centre is our Abortuary  
Stop Victimizing Out Women and Children, Vic  
Dr. Noam A.B. Chernick Does Abortions  
Dr. Fraser FellowsGive Life Only  
Give our Pre-Born Babies Life  
Please Don’t Abort Your Baby  
Freedom of Choice???  
(sign depicts a torn foetal head held in clamps)  
Future Class of 30 Kids Aborted This Week  
Safe and Legal???  
(sign depicts what purports to be pieces of foetus surrounded in blood)  
Abortion Kills Babies  
(sign depicts dripping blood)  
Victoria Hospital Killed 1,482 Pre-Born Babies in 1987!!!???  
10 Weeks  
(sign depicts a hand holding little feet)  
God Wants Babies  
Human garbage  
(with what purports to be a photograph of foetuses in a garbage bag)  
Dr. Fellows Kills Babies for Money  
Freedom of Choice Safe and Legal  
Another child lost by abortion  
Abortion is Violence to Females Born and Unborn  
Abortion Breaks The Silence in The Womb  
[117] Dienesch admits to making a sign with the wording, “Stop Abortion Now”, and it is six  
feet by four feet in size. It has switching plates for different doctors’ names.  
(x) Dr. Ronald Robins’ Office—359 Wellington Road  
[118] Dr. Robins performs abortions at Victoria Hospital. He sees abortion patients at the  
hospital and his office at 359 Wellington Road. Over the previous five years, Dr. Robins has  
performed 15 to 20 abortions each week. The Medson Medical Centre at 359 Wellington  
Road is a general commercial office building. Dr. Robins’ office looks north to the city and  
east to Wellington Road. Dr. Robins has not actually seen picketers in front of his office  
building. The picketing is occasional. The affidavits filed by Dr. Robins’ staff confirm that the  
picketing takes place on the sidewalk in front of the office building.  
(xi) Dr. Chernick’s Office—648 Huron Street  
[119] Dr. Chernick performs four to five abortions per week at the Victoria Hospital.  
Dr. Chernick sees his abortion referral patients at his Huron Street office. Huron Street, in the  
vicinity of the building, is a busy street and a public bus route. Dr. Chernick has not personally  
observed the picketing which takes place in front of the building. He does not know where the  
picketers walk. His office is in the rear of the building and does not overlook Huron Street. On  
approximately three occasions, patients told him they observed picketers with signs when  
entering the office building and that this upset them. His staff advised him that, on one  
occasion, a husband of one of his patients who had accompanied his wife was so upset that  
he confronted the picketers. On December 18, 1992, another patient sent the following letter:  
Dear Noam,  
In my travels yesterday, I drove by your office and I must tell you that I was thoroughly  
disgusted at what I saw. I am referring to the anti-abortion protestors that were picketing  
along Huron Street. I am just writing this letter to let you know that you have my full  
support in what you and the brave doctors are doing.  
I am aware that what these people are doing is perfectly legal and their main purpose is  
to embarrass and frighten you so that you will not continue to perform the procedure.  
These people should know that one day they are going to get hurt. One day, a young  
couple will be driving up to your office for a counselling session or a post-operative  
checkup and the driver is going to take matters into his own hands and nail these idiots.  
I can’t say that I’ll be sad when that happens.  
Again, let me just say that I feel for what you must be going through and if it means  
anything, you have my support on this issue.  
Sincerely,  
(xii) Dr. Fellows’ office  
[120] As indicated, Dr. Fellows’ office is located inside St. Joseph’s Hospital. It was picketed  
twice in 1992. On the first occasion, Dienesch and two other persons entered the hospital  
carrying signs, and picketed in the hallway outside Dr. Fellows’ office door. On the second  
occasion, patients were told by persons standing outside Dr. Fellows’ office doorway that  
Dr. Fellows “killed babies”. The patients were visibly angry and upset.  
(xiii) Commencement of residential picketing  
[121] Home picketing is a strategy which was formally adopted by Campaign Life Coalition in  
1991. Its adoption was controversial because there were concerns about its legality and the  
possibility of injunctions. This tactic was, however, embraced because it was believed to be  
“very effective” in stopping doctors from providing abortions. In a right-to-life publication The  
Interim for March, 1992, on p. 11, it was announced that Campaign Life Coalition Ontario had  
initiated a series of actions against “the prevailing abortion mentality”. The announcement  
read:  
These include “mini-Life Chains” and the picketing of abortionists’ offices and homes. On  
January 18, 1992, CLC issued the following guidelines:  
Pray for the Guidance and Conversion of the Abortionist.  
Research. Confirm suspect is doing abortions. Get full name, office and home  
addresses, phone numbers.  
Try to meet with abortionists first. Don’t just start picketing.  
• Send short letter of concern by registered mail or hand deliver. Write from the  
heart. Ask for a meeting to dialogue.  
Allow 7 days for a response. If response is positive meet and bring information  
listed below.  
• If response is negative, send a second letter including the following:  
alternatives to Abortion;  
effects of Abortion, physical and psychological;  
testimonies of aborted women and former abortionists;  
U.S. video, Meet the Abortion Providers;  
bibliography;  
petition (optional) signed by local clergy, doctors, etc.  
Escalating plan of action (if there is no response, or if abortionist continues to commit  
abortions)  
• leaflet office waiting room parking lot.  
Include name of abortionist, number of abortions done in hospital previous  
year, make appointment at receptionist desk to meet with abortionist. Stress  
that your message be delivered.  
• picket office  
• leaflet neighbourhood around abortionist’s home.  
• picket home.  
Code of Conduct  
Picket and leaflet in a quiet and orderly manner.  
• Don’t treat abortionist as a non-person. He/she too is made in the image and  
likeness of God.  
[122] In the same publication for November, 1992, at p. 19 under the heading “Why Picket?”,  
the following appeared under the heading “London”:  
Every day, in the picturesque city of London, the abortion issue jumps to life in front of  
the home of late-term abortionist Fraser Fellows. This incredible witness began on  
January 2, 1992 and is continued to the present day. Continuous praying of the Rosary  
is the theme of the hour-long walk in front of Fellows’ expensive North London home.  
“We are here to pray for the conversion of Fellows and to pray for the entire pro-life  
movement” said London school teacher John Bulsza. “We aren’t here to harass but to  
pray!”  
“We’ve seen what’s been happening across Southwestern Ontario,” said Jack Baribeau,  
president of CLC of London. “The home picketing has seen the issue of abortion being  
forced out into the open. This quiet city of approximately 300,000 has nonchalantly  
accepted the existence of baby killing. We believe that home picketing has recharged  
the issue. We believe people will take a second look”. And a second look they did.  
Earlier in the  
year, the London Free Press covered the events with renewed interest. In March, the  
home picketers made the front page by means of a feature article. Letters to the editors  
have been in constant supply.  
“It is absolutely necessary that we pitch tent in this city,” said George Dienesch, a  
student at the University of Western Ontario. “Kitchener and Cambridge to the north of  
us have won dramatic victories in this struggle. Windsor to the south of us has gained  
ground. I believe the front lines of this battle are here in this city. You see, home  
picketing may force abortionists out of business but it also serves as a deterrent for  
future medical students. This city is a medical amphitheatre.  
“There are hundreds, perhaps thousands of medical students at the university who will  
practice all over North America. It is urgent that we take a strong stand against abortion  
and its profiteers within the city. If London falls, the back of baby killing will be broken in  
Ontario. There are seven killers in the city that we know of. They must be exposed on a  
regular basis.”  
“It may take two years, or three—we don’t know how long,” said John Bulsza. “But it’s  
definitely necessary. The city needs this witness; Fraser Fellows needs this witness.”  
Fellows may be  
a
difficult abortionist to change, however. As an  
obstetrician/gynaecologist, Fellows provides legitimate health services at St. Joseph’s  
R.C. Hospital. He also provides abortions at University Hospital upon request. He claims  
he does not receive any money for his killing.  
(xiv) Dr. Robins’ residence—201 Huntcliffe Drive  
[123] Dr. Robins lives on a quiet residential street. His home was picketed intensely in 1990  
until he stopped performing second trimester abortions. Since November, 1992, his home has  
been sporadically picketed by two to six anti-abortion activists on Saturday mornings for one  
to one and a half hours. The picketers park a van at the end of Dr. Robins’ driveway and lean  
a four-foot sign against the van which states, “Dr. Robins kills babies.” There is no sidewalk in  
front of Dr. Robins’ home so picketing takes place on the roadside, Bulsza is one of those  
picketers. The picketers are generally quiet and last appeared about three months prior to  
December 3, 1993.  
(xv) Dr. Allen’s residence—736 Springbank Drive  
[124] Bulsza and Giselle Baribeau attended at Dr. Allen’s home on Springbank Drive on  
June 28, 1992. The purpose of their visit was to ask Dr. Allen to stop performing abortions.  
Dr. Allen asserts that Bulsza did not leave promptly when asked.  
[125] Springbank Drive is a busy suburban main street in London. Dr. Allen has only seen  
the picketers in front of his home twice. The picketing has taken place on Saturdays, and  
save for the actions of Bulsza and Giselle Baribeau as just described, the picketers have  
remained on the shoulder of the public road. They have conducted themselves in a quiet  
fashion and have not yelled or chanted. The picketers, according to Dr. Allen’s wife, have not  
attended for some time.  
(xvi) Dr. Chernick’s residence—1051 Fraser Avenue  
[126] Prior to 1992, Dr. Chernick did not experience any anti-abortion activity at his home or  
office. In May, 1992, he received a letter at his home from the “Committee for the Conversion  
and Disarmament of Abortionists”. The letter was signed by Bulsza and reads:  
Dear Dr. Chernick:  
The wall that divided Berlin no longer stands; the communist isolation of Russia is  
quickly becoming a thing of the past. With that in mind, it seems appropriate to invite you  
to dialogue with us about the eventual elimination of abortion in Canada.  
It has come to our attention that you are performing abortions. We would like to clarify  
this understanding and discuss with you the alternatives to abortion. Our goal is to work  
towards establishing a world in which children from conception may enjoy the love and  
protection of us all.  
Please contact us within seven days to arrange a time and place for our dialogue.  
[127] Dr. Chernick did not agree to a meeting. Since June, 1992, his home has been  
picketed by anti-abortion activists on a regular basis. From June, 1992 to December, 1992,  
the picketing occurred approximately three to five days a week for about one and a half hours.  
Since December 28, 1992, the picketing activity outside Dr. Chernick’s home has increased to  
every day, with two to six picketers marching present. On Sunday, the picketers say the  
rosary for up to one hour. On occasion, he has observed approximately 5 to 15 people  
picketing at one time. The picketers usually arrive between 6:00 p.m. and 7:00 p.m. on  
weekdays and in the early afternoon on weekends.  
[128] The picketers carry signs and large crucifixes. The messages displayed include,  
“Dr. Chernick Kills Pre-Born Babies”, “Abortion Kills Children”, “Real Women Respect all Life”,  
“Canada’s Holocaust: Abortion”, “If You Want Peace… Stop Abortion”. Several placards  
display pictures of bloodied foetuses, foetuses in a garbage bag, and a foetus in the middle of  
the Canadian flag. When they march, the picketers remain on the sidewalk in front of  
Dr. Chernick’s home. The picketers often chant prayers while they march. This is done quietly  
until non-picketers appear. The picketers sometimes shout at Dr. Chernick as he leaves or  
enters his home and voices are raised as family members, neighbours and others pass by.  
[129] On one occasion, Bulsza came to Dr. Chernick’s house and requested to speak with  
him. His 27-year-old daughter unwittingly led the person into the house. However, when Dr  
Chernick refused to speak to him, Bulsza proceeded, while in Dr Chernick’s home, to ask his  
daughter, “Did you realize that your father is doing abortions, killing children…?” On one  
particular weekend, Dr. Chernick’s wife was taking pictures of picketers while Dr. Chernick  
was writing down the licence plate numbers of some of their vehicles. This apparently  
provoked one of the picketers to approach his wife and asked her, “Why don’t you take  
pictures of the babies your husband kills?”  
[130] On January 23, 1993, when returning home with his wife from the synagogue,  
Dr. Chernick noticed five picketers in front of his home and approximately 20 picketers in front  
of Dr. Fellows’ home. Dr. Chernick and his wife began to take pictures of the picketers in front  
of his home. One of the picketer’s signs depicted charred dead babies. As he began to take  
pictures of this placard, a picketer approached him and raised his sign to block the camera.  
He then pushed Dr. Chernick on the shoulder and did so a second time. The police were  
called but Dr. Chernick did not press charges.  
(xvii) Dr. Fellows’ residence—1057 Fraser Avenue  
[131] In the spring of 1990, Dienesch contacted Dr. Fellows. He claimed to represent an  
anti-abortionist group and threatened that Dr. Fellows’ home would be picketed if the doctor  
did not stop performing abortions. Dr. Fellows performs an average of four abortions per week  
at each of Victoria Hospital and University Hospital. Approximately 80% of these abortions are  
performed in the first trimester of the pregnancy. The balance are performed in a range of  
between 14 to 18 weeks. Subsequent to this conversation with Dienesch, picketers began to  
demonstrate at Dr. Fellows’ home on a sporadic basis. Two or three people would march in  
front of his home carrying placards. Dienesch was usually one of the picketers. During 1990  
and 1991, Dienesch made continued attempts to speak to Dr. Fellows by coming to the door  
of his home. Dr. Fellows spoke with him on one occasion during 1990 in the hope that this  
would satisfy him and the picketing would stop. Dr. Fellows did not agree to meet with him  
again.  
[132] During that same time frame, 1990 and 1991, Dr. Fellows received disturbing  
telephone calls at his home on a frequent basis. Sometimes the caller identified himself or  
herself as a member of an anti-abortionist group. The calls increased in frequency and often  
occurred in the early morning hours.  
[133] Since January 3, 1992, Dr. Fellows’ home has been picketed every day by anti-  
abortion activists. On weekdays, he arrives home from work at about 7:00 p.m. to find 5 to 15  
people marching in front of his home. The picketers arrive around 6:00 p.m. and stay for one  
or two hours. Every weekend approximately 10 picketers demonstrate in front of his home on  
both Saturdays and Sundays from 1:00 p.m. to 2:30 p.m. On holidays, there are usually 15 to  
20 picketers outside his home. Before March, 1993, the picketers always carried signs. These  
signs said, for example: “Dr. Fellows Kills Babies!”, “Dr. Fellows Does Abortions!”, “The  
Hidden Holocaust—Human Garbage”, “Justice for the Unborn”, “Another Child Lost by  
Abortion… How Many More???”. Some of the signs showed graphic scenes of what  
appeared to be several human foetuses in a garbage bag, a bloody mutilated foetus, or a  
foetus in the middle of the Canadian flag.  
[134] The picketers congregate at the northern boundary of Dr. Fellows’ property when they  
arrive. They say “opening prayers” out loud for approximately five minutes. They then  
separate into two groups, in order to walk up and down on the sidewalk in front of both  
physicians’ homes. While walking, they pray out loud for about 45 to 50 minutes, usually in a  
responsive manner. When they are finished praying, they congregate again for about five  
minutes and then leave for the day. The picketers refer to the doctors and their families by  
name in their praying and chanting. The picketers raise their voices when neighbours or  
others pass by, or as people enter or exit their homes or cars. They engage in debate with  
passers-by. Their presence at times blocks the sidewalk and deters residents from going  
about their daily activities.  
[135] The prayers chanted by the picketers in front of Dr. Fellows’ home include, “The  
Exorcism” which is purportedly used to drive out the devil. The picketers also purport to  
sprinkle Holy Water on Dr. Fellows’ lawn during some of the prayers.  
[136] In March, 1992, Joe Scheidler (“Scheidler”), the head of Chicago’s “Pro-Life Action  
League” and author of the book called “Closed: 99 Ways to stop Abortion”, came to London to  
speak at St. Peter’s Seminary. On this occasion, he brought to Fraser Avenue approximately  
eight simulated “tomb stones” purportedly listing the names of women in the United States  
who lost their lives as a result of abortions. He placed the tombstones on the road in front of  
Dr. Fellows’ home for the duration of that day’s picket. The Ontario Campaign life newspaper,  
“Vitality” quoted Scheidler on Ontario residential picketing as follows:  
These people are simply extraordinary… I am deeply impressed by their commitment to  
be here every day. We’ve seen in our own country that the National Abortion Federation  
is complaining that they cannot get enough doctors to perform abortions. Picketing  
homes severely tests the  
commitment of the abortionist. It intimidates future medical students considering doing  
abortions.  
[137] Dr. Fellows agrees that the picketers generally confine their picketing to the sidewalk in  
front of his house and take care not to pass over the sidewalk running in front of his driveway.  
The picketers also step aside to allow pedestrians to pass. In a newspaper interview,  
Dr. Fellows described the picketers as “well-behaved individuals who don’t violate my  
property. They are peaceful”.  
[138] Mrs. Fellows describes the picketing in these terms:  
The picketers walk up and down in front of our house, carrying signs, large crucifixes,  
and chanting the Rosary. Every once in a while, they will stand in a row and face the  
house. The signs I have seen say: “Stop abortion now!” and “Dr. Fellows Kills Babies”. I  
can hear the picketers chanting and praying from my living room located at the front of  
the house.  
When the picketing started in July, 1991, I observed that the picketers were very careful  
to stay on the sidewalk. However, I have noticed that in recent months they do not  
appear to be concerned about blocking people who are walking by. They do not attempt  
to stop pedestrians but they are in the way. They will also walk on the street when it is  
raining and this activity appears to obstruct traffic.  
When I am outside my home, I have observed that the picketers refer specifically to me  
and my family in their prayers and chanting. My son and his partner live in our house  
with their young child. The picketers have told me that their prayers gave my family a  
healthy baby.  
During the first few months of the daily protest activity, my family and I would make  
attempts to respond to the picketers by requesting that they leave. There is no longer  
any debate as my family and I now try to ignore them. The picketers will say good  
evening or good afternoon when they see us but that is the most direct contact that I  
have with them.  
I have also observed the picketers appear to debate with people passing by on bikes,  
people walking by them, as well as many of our neighbours.  
One Sunday during the summer of 1992, a man holding a map appeared outside our  
home around 12:00 p.m. My son went out to see if he could assist him. My son informs  
me and I verily believe that the map had our house noted on it. The man advised my son  
that he had been given the map in church. The man waited a few minutes but left before  
the picketers showed up.  
On at least 10 occasions, I have observed people who do not appear to be the regular  
picketers, standing outside of our home appearing to wait. These individuals are usually  
present just before or just after the usual picket time. These occurrences have made me  
very concerned as I believe the security of my home is jeopardized.  
In the late summer of 1992, I observed that a few of the picketers were photographing  
myself and Dr. Fellows as we were leaving our home. On one occasion, all the picketers  
lined up in a flank beside my car as I backed out of my driveway.  
One evening last fall, two picketers came to the door with a picture of our house. I  
recognized one of the picketers to be George Dienesch. I did not know the identity of the  
older woman who accompanied him. The woman presented me with a painting of our  
home. I did not want to offend her so I accepted the painting. My husband returned the  
painting to her.  
I am aware that at least three times per week someone calls our home and hangs up  
when one of my family members answers. I do not know who is placing these calls.  
The harassment activity has been stressful for our family and it has been particularly  
hard for my son and his girlfriend and young son, who are living with us. My son has  
often become very angry about the presence of the picketers in front of our home.  
The harassment has started to become the focus of our lives and our lifestyle has  
altered in an attempt to cope with it and to reduce the tension it has at times created  
within my home. We carefully choose the times when people are to come over so as to  
avoid exposing them to the picket activity.  
[139] Gary Abell resides at 1053 Fraser Avenue in London, Ontario. His house is located  
between those of Dr. Fellows at 1057 Fraser Avenue and Drs. Beryl and Avinoam Chernick at  
1051 Fraser Avenue. He confirms the doctors’ evidence concerning the picketing in front of  
their homes and in his affidavit states:  
I am frustrated and angry about the demonstrations occurring on our street. Neither I nor  
my family have anything to do with the abortion issue, yet we are directly affected by  
protest activity. In the fall of 1992 my six year old nephew came to visit our home on an  
occasion when the picketers were present. We attempted to hurry him by the picketers  
as we entered our home, however, my nephew saw the signs the picketers were  
carrying.  
He became very upset and emotional wanting to know why there were dead babies on  
the signs. He cried during his entire visit with us that afternoon. As a result, I am very  
apprehensive about having our nieces and nephew visit our home.  
In my opinion, our neighbourhood has been very patient and tolerant about the presence  
of the picketers. However, I feel that tempers have been stretched incredibly. I am afraid  
that the animosity between picketers and those who do not want them to remain on our  
street will escalate.  
My family has made the decision to move away from Fraser Avenue as soon as  
possible. The presence of the picketers has been a definite factor in our decision to  
leave. In December, 1992, we had our property assessed. I am advised by the assessor  
that the presence of the picketers will affect the property value of our home and  
therefore our ability to sell the home.  
[140] Dorothy Jane Collyer resides at 1060 Fraser Avenue in London, Ontario. Her affidavit  
reads in part:  
My home has very large dining room windows that are almost floor to ceiling length.  
When Dr. Fellows is being picketed, it feels as if my home is being picketed too. It is  
necessary for me to close the curtains in our dining room when we are eating a meal so  
that our view will not be disturbed by the picketers. During the summer when our  
windows are open, we can hear the picketers praying and chanting. It is very intrusive.  
The picketing has affected my family’s lifestyle. In February 1999, my mother passed  
away and we had a reception during her funeral at our home. Picketers were present  
outside Dr. Fellows’ home while our guests were present. My guests and my family  
found their presence disturbing during; this sad time.  
In May, 1992, we celebrated my mother-in-law’s ninetieth birthday at our home. The  
picketers were demonstrating in front of Dr. Fellows’ home as our guests were arriving.  
Several of our guests expressed their anger and outrage to us at the site of people  
picketing on a residential street.  
I am concerned that the presence of the picketers on our street may attract strangers to  
the street and jeopardize the security of my home. In July, 1992, I observed that a car  
full of people stopped in front of the demonstrators. The occupants of the vehicle yelled  
at the anti-abortion activists before speeding off.  
In my opinion, our home is now more vulnerable to anyone who may want to determine  
the movements of me and my husband. I constantly feel as if I’m being watched.  
I support Dr. Fellows fully and I do not believe that he should be intimidated by the  
picketers into changing his practice. Moreover, I feel that as innocent bystanders who  
are not involved with this issue, my family should not have to be affected at our home by  
those wishing to impose their own points of view.  
[141] Dr. Fellows describes his fear of violence and the impact of the focused picketing on  
the willingness of doctors to provide abortion services in these terms:  
The daily presence of the picketers outside of my home has been stressful on my family  
members and disruptive of our lifestyle. Friends and relatives are careful not to be at my  
home when the picketers are present. In my opinion, the picketing that my family and I  
have had to endure daily since the beginning of 1992, is a form of harassment. My  
family and I fear that violence might occur.  
We live in a small community and my neighbours have often expressed their anger to  
me over the disruption that the picketing has caused in our community. When the  
picketers appear between 6:00 p.m. and 7:00 p.m., our neighbourhood is abandoned.  
In my opinion, the intimidating tactics used by these anti-abortion activists have, and will  
inevitably result in further unnecessary hostilities, as well as restricted access to choice  
regarding abortion services….  
I am aware of at least three physicians who have stopped performing abortions in the  
London, Ontario area. I verily believe that their reason for no longer providing this  
service is a result of the harassment they have experienced by anti-abortion activists.  
Since 1987, I have been chairman of the Residency Trainee Program at the University  
of Western Ontario Faculty of Medicine. There are five sections of the program and I  
head the Obstetrics and Gynaecological section. As Chairman, I am responsible for  
interviewing and selecting future trainees to the program, assessing their progress, and  
preparing them for their Royal College examinations.  
Currently, there are 16 residents in the program. Several of these residents have  
expressed their concern to me about establishing a practice involving the provision of  
abortion services, because they fear the harassment they will receive from anti-abortion  
activists. Only one resident in our current program has indicated an interest in  
performing abortions. In past years, at least two or three residents have indicated such  
an interest. In my opinion the decrease in numbers is attributable to the degree of  
harassment which abortion service providers experience.  
I believe that as a result of anti-abortion harassment activity in Ontario, there has been  
an overall decrease in the number of physicians providing the service in the London  
area, which is placing more demand on the provision of existing services.  
[142] With respect to the signs that the picketers carry, Dienesch was cross-examined  
concerning his use of a sign “Dr. Chernick kills pre-born babies.” The questions and answers  
take the following form, at pp. 91-3:  
Q. And it’s fair to say, is it not, that they might consider that you’re calling Dr. Chernick a  
killer? One who kills is generally a killer.  
A. I suppose if they want to draw that connection, yes….  
Q. And you intend for people to draw that inference?  
A. That was not the inference I was intending to draw. I was trying to say Dr. Chernick  
doesn’t adopt pre-born babies. Dr. Chernick doesn’t zap out of existence pre-born  
babies. Dr. … generally, when we talk about ending a life, be it of a blade of grass, a  
bald eagle or of a baby, you use the word “kills”. It is the least emotive term without  
getting into the realm of absolutely ridiculous. I mean, what I’m going to write on the  
sign, “Dr. Chernick…”  
Q. You needn’t write his name on the sign. You needn’t use the word “kill”. I want to  
know whether you agree with me that you are intending to convey the impression that  
Dr. Chernick kills?  
A. Yes, but I’m using the word “kills” as connoting what he does to the pre-born babies.  
It’s referential in relation to the babies. I’m not talking about him per se in that saying. I  
mean, obviously I am. I’m saying he does this act to these beings. Now, you don’t have  
to agree with me upon the… about what the beings are, but as far as the act goes, I  
mean, you know, if I go out on your lawn and I… or chop down a tree, I’ve killed the tree.  
I mean, just by the nature of the action.  
Q. I’m not talking about a sign that talks about killing trees. We’re talking about a sign  
that uses the word “kills” in connection with the word “babies”; correct?  
A. Precisely, and I think we make it very clear it’s pre-born babies. I mean, we’re not  
saying he kills three year olds. We’re saying he kills pre-born babies. I, in conscience,  
and I have… I believe I have science on my side. I mean, these are…  
Q. There are those who disagree with you, are there not?  
A. Oh, of course there are, but…  
Q. In relation to that particular sign, you would agree with me that that sign might be  
quite upsetting to Dr. Chernick?  
A. Yes, I’ll grant that.  
Q. It might be upsetting to…  
A. … well, yeah, and as I have said on the radio, so would be a sum that such-and-such  
kills, well, you fill in the name, I mean, Jewish people in Nazi Germany, black people in  
the United States. I mean, I’ll grant we’re in a certain sense seen as confrontational,  
because we believe this is an issue that, well, that expresses everything. I mean, if what  
he is actually doing whatever the court or anybody else agrees about abortion, if what  
he’s if they actually are human beings and they are being killed and there is some  
dignity to the human being that goes beyond, you know, merely government giving  
rights in an hobbesian type sense, then what’s going on there is an extremely serious  
offence. I mean, suppose he was killing three year olds, I mean…  
[143] In his cross-examination, Dienesch analogizes his actions to those of the civil rights  
movement when black Americans were being treated unjustly “and people would have sit-ins  
and things”. He believes abortion is murder. He has indicated he will not stop picketing until  
the doctors in question stop providing abortion services. Dienesch was also appreciative of  
the fact that the neighbours on Fraser Avenue were well aware that Dr. Fellows and  
Dr. Chernick performed abortions. As for Gary Abell, Dienesch was asked, at pp. 96-8:  
Q. And I take it that you wouldn’t stop because it’s upsetting to Mr. Abell?  
A. No, because a lot of things are very upsetting in a certain sense, but abortion is an  
extremely… I mean, again, going back, you wouldn’t do this because you didn’t like the  
colour of the person’s car or…  
Q. But again, I mean, I know you’ve explained your reasoning.  
A. Yah.  
Q. We can just say you wouldn’t… the question is you wouldn’t stop because it’s  
upsetting to Mr. Abell?  
A. No.  
Q. Even though Mr. Abell has nothing to do with abortion?  
A. Well, Mr. Abell is not being picketed. I mean…  
Q. The picketing is going on on the two sides of his house.  
A. Yes.  
Q. You wouldn’t change the location of the picketing to assist him, would you?  
A. We would if we could. I mean…  
Q. Well you could. You could go elsewhere. You wouldn’t do that?  
A. If there was a way of picketing his home and ignoring the neighbours and somehow,  
you know, not affecting the neighbours, obviously we would. We have no gripe with  
anybody, including Dr. Fellows, for that matter. But as there is no such potentiality of  
picketing his home, praying for him in front of his home, and we feel, in conscience that  
this is a needful situation, we can’t go elsewhere. So the metaphysical implications of  
the situation is we can’t. I mean, he’s there, and in a certain sense, I would… I’m only  
speaking for  
myself, but the sin, crime, quote, un-quote… it’s not a crime, but anyway, the act of  
abortion is a social act. Its effects, as I’ve said before, echo down throughout our culture.  
It’s ramification and effects affect everybody. …  
Q. Then if you look at paragraph 7 and 8, you’ll see that he refers to a young child a six  
year old, who appears to have seen pictures of dead babies. Now, I presume that what  
he saw would have been this sign that you referred to that appears to show, to the  
untutored eye, a dead baby.  
A. Exactly.  
Q. And you’d agree with me that that sign would be very upsetting to a young child?  
A. Yes, I could grant that that would be the case. We don’t know about this child. We  
never met this child.  
Q. Do you hide those signs when children come by?  
A. If we can, yes. I mean, if a child’s looking out the window and we don’t know, you  
know. I haven’t always hidden the signs when a child comes by, because…  
Q. Why would you not carry them, as you say, carry signs that don’t have photographs?  
A. Because abortion… you yourself have said that this appears to be the sign of a dead  
baby, and you’ll find in the abortion conflict, disagreement, battle, whatever, that the  
actual crux of the whole issue is that one particular group of persons are saying that this  
is a glob of cells with no inherent rights, no inherent dignity. It’s…  
[144] Since March, 1993, no signs have been displayed but participants have carried  
sacrementals (crucifixes and icons). In January, 1993, the Prayer Walk was extended to  
include walking on the public sidewalk in front of the Chernick residence two houses to the  
south of the Fellows’ property.  
(b) North Bay  
(i) Paul Charran  
[145] The defendant Paul Charran (“Charran”) is a 67-year-old retired businessman. He has  
eight children. He is actively involved in community work which includes visiting people on a  
weekly basis at a prison psychiatric hospital, general hospitals, homes for the seniors, nursing  
homes and at a soup kitchen. Charran is a Roman Catholic who regards abortion as the  
killing of unborn children and a moral wrong.  
[146] He participated in three or four “Rescues” at Toronto abortion clinics in 1988 and 1989.  
To express his opposition to abortion, since 1989, he has been involved only in picketing.  
Charran was arrested in front of the Morgentaler clinic for breaching the injunction there and  
he admitted in that case that he was prepared to break the law for the pro-life cause. He was  
given a one-year suspended sentence on the condition that he not contravene the injunction  
again. He abided by those terms of his probation.  
[147] During the Operation Rescues in North Bay, Charran has only engaged in picketing.  
When in Florida during the winter, he pickets in front of one of the abortion clinics located in  
that state. Charran admits to participating in picketing on public property in front of the North  
Bay Civic Hospital since 1989; twice a week in front of the offices of Dr. Berger and  
Dr. Zeman since 1991; and in front of the homes of Dr. Berger and Dr. Zeman since 1992. His  
avowed purpose in all this picketing is to inform people about which doctors in the community  
perform abortions and to persuade those doctors to stop performing abortions. The picketing  
is peaceful.  
(ii) North Bay Civic Hospital  
[148] Charran pickets on the public property in front of the main entrance to the North Bay  
Civic Hospital. The picket is a silent one held on Thursday mornings between 10:00 a.m. and  
11:00 a.m. The picket is held about 60 feet from the entrance to the hospital. Charran carries  
a sign which reads, “This hospital kills unborn children.” By picketing, he hopes to arouse the  
patients’ conscience. Charran believes that “killing means terminating a life” and that doctors  
who perform abortions terminate lives. He claims that his goal is not to proclaim the doctors  
as killers, but to dissuade them from performing abortions.  
[149] Dr. George Zeman is a physician and surgeon specializing in obstetrics and  
gynaecology in the City of North Bay. He provides a fall range of obstetric and gynaecological  
services to his patients and in that regard provides abortion services. He performs those  
abortions at the North Bay Civic Hospital. Abortions are performed in the main building of the  
hospital. Patients seeking the procedure use the same entrance as all other patients. It is,  
therefore, difficult to distinguish patients seeking an abortion from other patients. Dr. Zeman  
has only seen the picketers once when they were standing on the roadway circle in front of  
the entrance of the hospital. No evidence has been submitted by the Attorney-General from a  
representative of the North Bay Civic Hospital. There is no evidence that the hospital objects  
to the picketing or considers the picketing a nuisance or an interference with its operations.  
Dr. Zeman has been informed that picketers carry signs that include the words, “Dr. Zeman,  
stop killing babies.”  
[150] Dr. Eduardo Berger is a physician and surgeon who specializes in obstetrics and  
gynaecology in North Bay. He is on the staff at both the St. Joseph’s General Hospital and the  
North Bay Civic Hospital. In 1989, he was appointed gynaecological consultant for the Under-  
Serviced-Area-Program of the Ministry of Health of Ontario. He offers a full range of  
gynaecological and obstetric services including the provision of abortion services. He is able  
to avoid the picketers at North Bay Civic Hospital by using the doctors’ entrance.  
(iii) Dr. Zeman’s medical office—1221 Algonquin Avenue  
[151] Dr. Zeman’s office is located on the second floor of a five-storey building known as the  
Medical Dental Centre. The building houses some 30 to 40 other occupants, all of whom carry  
on practices in the medical or dental fields. These include three general surgeons; an  
orthopaedist; two opthalmologists; one ear-nose-throat specialist and one other obstetrician  
and gynaecologist. The entire fifth floor of the building is given over to dental offices. In  
addition, there is a pharmacy on the ground floor of the building. The front entrance of the  
building is on Algonquin Avenue. The building also has a rarely used back entrance.  
[152] Since 1991, Charran has picketed Zeman’s office by stationing himself at the entrance  
to the building. He has carried signs which read: “Dr. Zeman—Stop Killing Unborn Babies”;  
“Abortion Kills Children”; “Freedom of Choice?”, with a picture of an aborted foetus on the  
sign; and “L’Avortement tue les Enfants” and “Creature De Dieu” with a drawing of a small  
baby. Charran recites the rosary while picketing. He does not attempt to engage passers-by  
or neighbours in conversation, although he will answer questions. Algonquin Avenue is a  
major north-south thoroughfare in North Bay and the street is heavily travelled. The sidewalk  
in front of the medical building is about 25 feet from the entrance to the building. Charran  
pickets on the public sidewalk. Dr. Zeman cannot remember whether he has seen a picketer  
or picketers in front of the building. However, he has been told by his staff that patients have  
been upset by the presence of the picketers.  
(iv) Dr. Berger’s office—355 Ferguson Street  
[153] Dr. Berger’s office is in a small two-storey building located approximately half a block  
from the city’s main thoroughfare, Main Street. Two other offices are housed in the building.  
Adjacent to his office on the second floor is the office of another obstetrician and  
gynaecologist. The building’s owner has his offices on the ground floor. There is a pharmacy  
on the south side of the building and the Trinity United Church is on the north side. The street  
has a high volume of traffic. There is only one entrance to the building.  
[154] Dr. Berger states that picketing of the building is persistent and regular. Every Monday  
and Tuesday, for approximately two to three hours, picketers stand at the entrance to the  
building where they can be seen by his patients. The picketers carry signs displaying the  
messages, “Dr. Berger, Stop Killing Babies” or “Abortion is Bad”.  
[155] Dr. Berger can see the picketers from the windows of his office and he also sees them  
when he is entering and leaving his office. His patients are forced to see the picketers when  
they come to see him because there is no other way to get to his office. When the picketing  
first started, he was forced to spend time discussing picketing with his patients, leaving him  
less time to treat illnesses. He was told by a colleague that her five-year-old son saw and was  
upset by the messages carried on the picketers’ signs. The boy became very upset because  
he could not understand how Dr. Berger could kill babies. As a result of her son’s trauma, his  
colleague wrote a letter to the mayor protesting the actions of the picketers. Dr. Berger is  
concerned about similar effects on other small children. Charran is the principal individual  
who pickets the medical offices, although occasionally he is joined by two or three others.  
(v) Dr. Zeman’s residence—64 Ellendale Drive  
[156] Dr. Zeman and his family live on a quiet neighbourhood street. Since about July, 1992,  
Dr. Zeman’s home has been subjected to picketing. Charran admits that he pickets in front of  
Dr. Zeman’s home every second Saturday except during the winter months. Thus, this  
residential picketing stopped in late December, 1992, and recommenced in the spring of  
1993. Picketing begins at approximately 1:00 p.m. with four to five picketers present. They  
usually arrive by car. Picketers parade up and down the sidewalk in front of Dr. Zeman’s  
home for approximately one to three hours. He has seen signs stating, “Abortion Kills  
Children” describing him as a “baby-killer”. Pictures of foetuses are on some of the signs. He  
understands the only way the picketing will end is if he stops performing abortions. Charran  
believes that this picketing is an effective way to cause doctors to stop performing abortions.  
[157] On one occasion soon after the picketing started, the picketers came onto the lawn of  
Colette LeDoux, a neighbour of Dr. Zeman’s, to speak to some of the neighbourhood children,  
including Dr. Zeman’s eight-year-old son, Dariush. The evidence as to precisely what was  
said is disputed, but it is undisputed that Charran put his hand on Dariush’s head, and that he  
spoke to Dariush about his father. Dariush told Mrs. LeDoux “They are saying my daddy kills  
babies.”  
[158] Dr. Zeman believes that Dariush remains affected by this encounter with the picketers.  
He states that some time in or about late October, 1992, Dariush overheard him telling his  
wife that he had been called back to the hospital to treat a patient. Dariush immediately said  
to him “why don’t you take a needle and stick it in her tummy and kill the baby, that way you  
don’t have any problem”. This upset Dr. Zeman because it indicated just how badly Dariush  
had been affected by his contact with the picketers.  
[159] Colette LeDoux filed an affidavit in these proceedings. With respect to the picketing,  
she states:  
While the picketers did not obstruct driveways, they attempted to engage anyone who  
happened to pass them in conversation. They tried hard to catch my eyes whenever I  
passed. I believe that this was a deliberate strategy on the part of the picketers.  
I remember coming into direct contact with the picketers on two occasions. The first time  
this happened was soon after the picketing started. Neighbourhood children were  
involved on this occasion. The Zemans were in Toronto and I was babysitting their  
seven year old son, Dariush Alexander Zeman (Dariush). I remembered that it was a  
Saturday and that Dariush was among a group of boys, which included my son  
Kristopher, who were playing on my front lawn. I was in the house and unaware that the  
picketers were in the neighbourhood.  
On checking on the boys, I saw that they were in a group on the lawn. Several adults  
were with them. I recognized these adults as being part of the group picketing outside  
the Zemans. The adults appeared to be speaking to the boys. I immediately went  
outside to find out what was going on. When I approached the group, I saw that Dariush  
appeared to be very upset. Dariush said to me “they’re saying my daddy kills babies”.  
Dariush was trying to tell the other children that his daddy did not kill babies.  
I sent the boys away and had an extensive discussion with the picketers. I told the  
picketers that they ought not have discussed abortion with the children, that if I wanted  
to discuss it I would, and that I alone would determine when to do so. I let the picketers  
know that I resented their actions in coming on my lawn and speaking to the children  
without first asking my consent to do so and I also told the picketers that they should not  
be talking to children about these things.  
The picketers were not responsive to my concerns. One woman told me that “it’s  
mothers like you who are causing the problems in the worldchildren raised by mothers  
like you.” She went on to say, “if we have to go through these children to make our point  
to Dr. Zeman, or to stop him from performing abortions, we will”. I felt that this particular  
woman was an extremist and I also felt myself becoming very frustrated with the  
situation. …  
The second incident with the protestors occurred on the weekend of September 12,  
1992. A friend had come to visit me after she had taken a walk in the neighbourhood.  
On the way to my home, she noticed that there were picketers outside the Zeman home.  
My friend was seriously shaken at seeing the picketers and expressed her disbelief that  
people were actually picketing in a residential neighbourhood.  
The picketing of Dr Zeman’s home and in particular the incident involving Dariush has  
affected the way I now live my life. During the time that they were picketing, I used to  
take extra care to avoid coming into contact with the picketers. I watched to see whether  
they were there. I did everything possible to prevent, either myself or any children in my  
care especially Dariush, from coming into contact with or being seen by the picketers  
during the hour and a half that they were there. …  
[160] One Friday, in August, 1992, Mrs. Zeman was working in her shoe store in North Bay  
when Paul Charran entered the store. In front of a customer, he told Mrs. Zeman to tell her  
husband to stop performing abortions and killing babies. The customer left the store while  
Charran was saying these things to her and, for a while, she was alone with him. She became  
very upset over this incident. She had been embarrassed in front of a customer and was very  
nervous about being alone with this “hostile” man. She told Charran to leave the store which  
he did. She then called the police. The matter was not pursued.  
[161] The incident involving Dariush has prompted Mrs. Zeman to keep the children in the  
house whenever the picketers are outside. On one occasion, her children were shaken and  
crying as a result of a near accident outside her home in connection with one of the picketers.  
This occurred in March of 1993 when one of the picketers stepped in front of Mrs. Zeman’s  
car as she was driving out of her driveway. Mrs. Zeman had to make very violent manoeuvres  
to avoid hitting her. Indeed, Mrs. Zeman was so shaken by the incident that she became  
distracted, subsequently running a red light on Airport Road just south of her home, and  
narrowly missed being in an accident with her children.  
[162] Picketing in front of the Zemans’ home continued in the fall of 1993 almost every  
Saturday or Sunday in the late afternoon, lasting for about an hour and a half. The signs, on  
orange paper, have handwriting on them, “Zeman kills pre-born babies”. On Saturday,  
November 6, 1993, there were eight to ten adults outside the home carrying such signs and  
accompanied by children. Mrs. Zeman is a concert violinist and had to leave the house to go  
to a rehearsal for a Christmas performance. Dariush was to be left with the baby-sitter but he  
begged not to be left with her because he was afraid of the people outside. The picketers had  
gathered in the middle of the street in the driveway. Mrs. Zeman decided to wait until they left  
her home and was late for the rehearsal.  
(vi) Dr. Eduardo Berger’7s residence—90 Labresh Drive.  
[163] Dr. Berger’s home is located in a residential section of North Bay. He lives with his wife  
and two children who are 12 and 19 years of age. While this section of North Bay is well  
populated, the area is quiet. Starting in early August, 1992, anywhere from one to five  
persons have picketed outside Dr. Berger’s home. The picketers arrive around dinner time  
and remain for an hour. This is about the same frequency as experienced by Dr. Zeman. The  
picketers carry signs which name Dr. Berger and demand that he “stop killing unborn babies”.  
His wife has been very upset by the presence of the picketers and the invasion of the family’s  
privacy. His wife has called the police but was advised by them that there was little they could  
do. The officers explained that the family could hire a lawyer and try to get an injunction.  
[164] In Charran’s cross-examination concerning his picketing of Dr. Berger, he gives the  
following answers at pp. 49-50:  
Q. You do speak to him as he goes by?  
A. I don’t hold anything against him but I want to stop him doing abortions. We’ve heard  
lately he wants to leave the country, leave the town.  
Q. Why is that?  
A. Speculate if you will. I don’t know.  
Q. Why have you heard he wants to leave the town?  
A. Well, I guess he feels that he’s—that he doesn’t want any more hassle, if you might  
put it that way.  
Q. Alright. He doesn’t want any more harassment from you.  
A. If it can be described as harassment, I’ll say that.  
Q. Yes.  
A. And so no, I just want him—I don’t hope anything else. I just hope that he doesn’t do  
any more abortions. In fact, I thought of writing him a letter. … To ask him don’t leave  
town, just stop doing abortions and we will be out of the picture.  
(c) Brantford  
(i) Errol Alchin  
[165] The defendant Errol Alchin (“Alchin”) is 67 years of age and married. He has 4 children  
and 11 grandchildren. He is a retired businessman and has served as a pastor of several  
Christian churches since his retirement. He is currently employed by Elim Fellowship of  
Canada to oversee its clergy and churches. In 1991, Alchin was Pastor of the Cornerstone  
Church in Brantford. He is not a member of any pro-life organization. He does, however,  
preach against abortion at various churches.  
[166] The only evidence adduced by the plaintiff against Alchin is contained in an article  
which appeared in the Brantford Expositor on April 15, 1991, in which Alchin was described  
as having participated in a Life-Chain in “the shadow of the Brantford General Hospital”.  
Alchin participated in two Life-Chains held in Brantford, one in April and one in October, 1991.  
He encouraged his parishioners to attend these demonstrations. He stood on the sidewalk on  
the east side of St. Paul Avenue, about 15 feet from its intersection with Terrace Hill. He  
carried a sign which stated: “Abortion kills children.” He stood at the spot for about one hour  
and could not see the entrance to the hospital from where he was standing. No traffic was  
impeded by the participants and the pedestrians had use of the sidewalk.  
(ii) Paul Vandervet  
[167] The defendant Paul Vandervet (“Vandervet”) is 46 years of age, married and has three  
children. He is a member in good standing of the Law Society of Upper Canada and has  
carried on a general law practice in Brantford for 19 years. He was a Big Brother for  
approximately 10 years. Vandervet was President of the Brantford Right to Life for almost  
10 years, stepping down in April, 1993. He was a founder of the Brant Pro-Life Doctors and  
Lawyers Association. Vandervet’s participation in pro-life activities stems from his Catholic  
Christian beliefs pursuant to which he believes abortion is an “abominable crime”. Vandervet  
participated in two or three Operation Rescues at the Morgentaler Clinic and was detained but  
not charged. He has not returned to that clinic since the Morgentaler injunction was put in  
place. Vandervet states that if an injunction is granted in this proceeding, he will comply with  
the injunction, but if the injunction requires people to keep 500 feet away from a location, he  
will be at 501 feet.  
[168] Vandervet admits to: (a) participating in Life-Chains held each October in Brantford; (b)  
periodic picketing on the public sidewalk on Terrace Hill Avenue, Brantford, in front of the  
Brantford General Hospital; (c) bi-weekly picketing in front of the residence of Dr. Roye on the  
public sidewalk along Memorial Avenue, Brantford and picketing on the public property in  
front of the residences of Dr. White on Ava Road and Dr. Reason on Golfdale Road; and (d)  
infrequent visits on the public sidewalks in front of the Medical Arts buildings containing the  
offices of Dr. Roye and Dr. Docrat on Brant Avenue and the office of Dr. White on St. Paul  
Avenue.  
[169] He states that this lawsuit has had an adverse impact on the willingness of people to  
picket. Indeed, counsel for all of the defendants submit that the lawsuit is an attempt to  
intimidate and deter their clients and others from exercising their freedoms under the  
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In this respect, Vandervet testifies:  
Q. How many others are there?  
A. Other people who joined us have not been doing it for the last, I’d say, six months or  
a year because of the, quote, “heat”.  
Q. I’m sorry. I lost you. What do you mean by that?  
A. Well this lawsuit and things like that. People are a little careful or cautious, think there  
would have been one, two, maybe two other adults, three other adults who have done  
home picketing with us over the last, say, two or three years.  
Q. Cautious in the sense that they don’t want to be the subject of a court order. Is that  
it?  
A. Well anybody would be, any Jane Doe or John Doe to be the subject of a court order.  
People are not thrilled with being sued for half a million dollars.  
Q. So this has had an effect in that it reduced the numbers of people who picket in front  
of Dr. Roye’s house?  
A. They are not going to jump forward at this time. I think they are going to see what  
happens with the court case.  
[170] Vandervet describes the rationale for picketing the residences of doctors in these  
terms, at p. 69:  
Well, there are a number of reasons behind it. I think mostly, I think it is sort of a spiritual  
thing. I think our society is in an abortion mess, that is, we have sort of drifted away from  
our faith in God. What we are saying with the doctorslike my particular is picketing. I  
put it on sort of activist Christian basis because, abortion, I think it is such a spiritual  
battle. It is a political question. It is a legal question. It is a moral question. But,  
ultimately, it is a spiritual battle.  
[171] Vandervet believes home picketing to be a tactic that may convince doctors to stop  
performing abortions and this is what he wants to happen. While calling on the doctors by  
prayer to stop performing abortions, Vandervet states that the picketers are also educating  
the public about how many abortions are occurring, the identities of those performing them  
and that abortion is wrong, Vandervet has not engaged in the residential picketing of any  
physician since August of 1993, largely because of his concern regarding the anti-stalking  
amendments to the Criminal Code. Indeed, he is not planning to further engage in this tactic  
until the anti-stalking law has been considered by the courts.  
[172] When asked whether he intended to injure the doctors’ reputations in the community  
by focused or home picketing, Vandervet replies, at p. 188:  
The intention is to tell the truth about what they do and to point it out to the community.  
The signs call on the doctors to stop abortions. Abortion is, amongst other things, the  
killing of an innocent child in the mother’s womb, a defenceless, innocent child. I  
consider it is a holocaust. It has innocent victims. It’s a mass slaughter. That is not our  
direct intention. Our direct intention is to tell the truth in this matter.  
(iii) Nancy Kuwabara  
[173] The defendant Nancy Kuwabara (“Kuwabara”) is 41 years of age and is the mother of  
six children. She admits to picketing at the Brantford General Hospital and at the residences  
of various doctors. This picketing is on public property. She has previously worked with the  
Essex County Social Services as a case worker. She has acted as a Big Sister, canvassed  
for the Canadian Cancer Society, and is active in church activities and in home schooling.  
Kuwabara was a member of the board of directors for Brant Right to Life until April, 1993,  
when she resigned in anticipation of the birth of her sixth child. Kuwabara regards abortion as  
the destruction of human life and opposes it for moral and religious reasons.  
(iv) Brantford General Hospital  
[174] The Brantford General Hospital (“BGH”) is located at the intersection of St. Paul  
Avenue and Terrace Hill Street in Brantford. St. Paul Avenue is a four-lane highway and a  
major Brantford thoroughfare. A public sidewalk runs beside the BGH on the east side of  
St. Paul Avenue and continues east along the south side of Terrace Hill. The sidewalk  
continues across the front of the hospital property and is slightly recessed from Terrace Hill by  
a grass border of about three to four feet. Terrace Hill ascends up a hill as it proceeds east  
along the front of BGH. There are three entrances to BGH, two on Terrace Hill and one staff  
entrance off St. Paul Avenue. Kuwabara, for a number of years, has picketed on the public  
sidewalk in front of BGH on the first Saturday of each month with her family and others. The  
event is called a “Walk for Life”. Vandervet has also participated in this event. The  
demonstration has been held since 1984.  
[175] At BGH, Vandervet walks on the sidewalk back and forth along the block and carries a  
sign reading “Abortion: Canada’s holocaust” and depicting a saline abortion. Picketers walk  
along the sidewalk on the Terrace Hill Street down to the intersection with St. Paul Avenue  
and then back in front of the hospital. They usually make three turns which takes about 45  
minutes. There are approximately four or five picketers and they stop to let people pass to  
enter the hospital. Signs are carried asking named doctors to stop performing abortions. They  
do not talk to people unless they are first addressed.  
[176] For about three months in early 1992, Vandervet attended alone in front of the main  
entrance of BGH handing out information to people entering and exiting the hospital. He did  
this for about one-half hour once or twice a week, usually on Wednesday or Friday. Kuwabara  
went to the hospital on two different Friday mornings in June 1991, to hand out information. In  
July, 1991, Kuwabara and another woman handed out literature on two Friday mornings  
between 8:30 a.m. to 9:30 a.m. in front of BGH on the public sidewalk near the main  
entrance. The leaflets contained general information on the development of a foetus.  
Kuwabara offered the leaflets to those on the sidewalk and might have said “good morning” or  
“have a nice day”.  
[177] Another form of picketing at BGH is a “Rosary Walk for Life” which also proceeds along  
the public sidewalk. A picture of “Our Lady of Guadalupe” is carried and the participants pray  
the rosary. The walk attracts a maximum of 12 to 15 people and is held on the first Saturday  
of each month. Signs are generally not carried on this walk. In the fall of 1992, Vandervet and  
one other person attended at BGH either on a Thursday or Friday morning and walked along  
the public sidewalk praying the rosary and carrying a cross. On one occasion, the cross had a  
baby doll attached to it. On December 22, 1992, Vandervet and a dozen other people held a  
silent candle vigil on the public sidewalk to the east of BGH during a tree-lighting ceremony  
co-sponsored by BGH and St. Joseph’s Hospital. Since mid-1993, Vandervet and 12 to 15  
others have walked along the public sidewalk in front of BGH at noon on the first Saturday of  
each month holding a sign reading, “we pray the Rosary to stop abortion”. Kuwabara stopped  
picketing BGH in September, 1992, but planned to resume in November, 1993.  
[178] Since BGH became aware in the 1980s that picketing was occurring in front of the  
hospital, it has not taken any steps to seek an injunction. Helen Ingram, Vice-President of  
BGH, agrees with the assessment of Rick Woodcock, President of BGH, that the picketing at  
the hospital has been “professional and orderly” and that there has not been any occasion  
where patients have been deterred from having abortions or a physician has been swayed  
from performing abortions because of the protest. The picketing has been on public property.  
[179] Vandervet has picketed in front of the Sanderson Centre, a theatre in Brantford, when  
BGH was holding benefit concerts or performances. In November, 1993, Vandervet and four  
others walked along the sidewalk in front of the Centre on the evening of a BGH fund-raiser.  
[180] The number of abortions performed at BGH for the years 1989 to 1992 are set out in  
the material as follows:  
Number of  
Year  
1989  
1990  
1991  
1992  
Abortions  
153  
77  
82  
162  
[181] At present, therapeutic abortions are not performed on Saturday or Sunday, the days  
of the picketing. The defendants assert that the entrance most commonly used by patients at  
BGH is not the main entrance but a side entrance near the emergency room which is  
accessible from Terrace Hill.  
[182] The Brantford Life-Chain runs along both sides of St. Paul and King George from Brant  
Avenue over Highway 403 to Brantford Mall. Participants are evenly spaced about five or six  
feet apart holding signs. During some Life-Chains, participants may stand along the sidewalk  
on Terrace Hill Street to form a cross. The signs read, “Abortion kills children” and “Jesus  
forgives and heals”. Over 1,000 people have participated in the Brantford Life-Chain at any  
one time. The Life-Chain starts at Brant Avenue near BGH because that is where abortions  
are performed. It is also the main artery in the town where most traffic passes by. Brantford  
doctors performing abortions do not appear to have any objection to Life-Chains as a method  
of protest provided their names are not utilized.  
[183] The public activities of the Brantford Canadian Abortion Rights Action League  
(“CARAL”) include counter-demonstrations to the Life-Chain. This involves approximately six  
people who go out in the morning before the Life-Chain and stand in front of the hospital  
carrying signs that say they support the hospital. They attend an hour before the Life-Chain,  
at Terrace Hill Road in front of the entrance to the hospital. They stand there for about one  
hour and are often accompanied by children. As a general matter, there has been counter-  
picketing by CARAL supporters and other pro-choice organizations.  
[184] Monica Fitz-James is a member of the Brantford CARAL. She identified a poster found  
on the bulletin board of a local grocery store inviting others to join in “Christian witness to the  
abortionists on the first and third Saturdays of each month” with the names and addresses of  
Dr. White, Dr. Reason and Dr. Roye following. She also identified the Brant Right to Life  
newsletter dated April 14, 1993, with the following entry:  
Local Abortionist Situation: Dr… has retired from medical practice. He may be ill. Please  
pray for him and for them all. Dr… is leaving local practice to move to the U.S.A.  
Dr. James White continues but is getting closer to retirement. Dr… does not do  
abortions apparently on a regular basis but only for “serious reasons”. Dr. Charmaine  
Roye does abortions. Dr. Z. Docrat is new to Brantford and is probably a replacement for  
Dr. Reason. We are not aware if she has actually started doing abortions but she is  
quite prepared to do so. This is from a conversation with one of our Board members.  
[185] Ms Fitz-James, however, acknowledges that a pamphlet entitled “how to become a  
pro-choice activist” contains a list of activities suggested by CARAL to its members to support  
the pro-choice movement. The suggested activities include picketing. She also acknowledges  
that the statement “abortion is murder” is an opinion strongly held by pro-life picketers.  
Fitz-James agrees that “… just as members of CARAL are entitled to publicly voice their  
views or opinions on the issue of abortion, so, too, are those who are opposed to abortion”  
and that pro-life activists are entitled to use the same techniques and activities which CARAL  
uses to promote its opinion.  
[186] Helen Ingham describes that in April, 1991, the hospital, to better meet the needs of  
women, amalgamated a number of services under the umbrella of the Women’s Health Clinic.  
This program provides gynaecological services, mammography, pregnancy counselling, birth  
control counselling, health education and other services in relation to the health of women.  
When Bill C-43 did not pass, a group of gynaecologists decided that they would be willing to  
perform the abortion procedure once again and that they wished to establish a more formal  
process which would better meet patient needs. The end result was the formalization of  
pregnancy counselling under the direction of the Women’s Health Clinic.  
[187] Ms Ingham states that a patient has an initial visit, during which her choices with  
respect to the pregnancy are discussed in detail with appropriate counselling. The patient  
may not make a decision at that point in time and must wait a 48-hour period prior to deciding.  
Should she wish to follow through with an abortion at that time, then additional counselling is  
carried out as well as birth-control counselling. The patient has a visit following the procedure  
in order to answer any further questions, to assess her health status, and to provide additional  
support and counselling. Should it be determined that the patient requires further counselling,  
she is referred to her family physician. At present, a woman wishing to have an abortion must  
receive counselling prior to making her decision and an abortion will not be performed if the  
foetus is more than 11 weeks old.  
(v) Avenue Medical Centre221 Brant Avenue  
[188] Dr. Charmaine Roye has been an obstetrician and gynaecologist since 1981. She  
began practising in Brantford in September of 1989. Her offices are at the Avenue Medical  
Centre and she is Chief of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at Brantford  
General Hospital. Most of her practice involves obstetrics, dealing with pre-natal care and  
delivery. She is one of three physicians currently providing abortion services in Brantford. She  
performs abortions every third week, undertaking anywhere from one to four abortions that  
week.  
[189] Dr. Henry Reason began to practise obstetrics and gynaecology in Brantford in 1975.  
He was Chief of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at the Brantford General  
Hospital for the periods 1978-84 and 1990-92. He had been Associate Clinical Professor in  
Obstetrics and Gynaecology at McMaster University. In April, 1993, he moved to New York  
State and began to practise obstetrics and gynaecology in West Seneca and Buffalo, New  
York. Prior to his departure to the United States, his medical offices were also located in the  
Avenue Medical Centre in Brantford.  
[190] In 1991, there was a flurry of anti-choice activity once it became known that there were  
physicians willing to provide abortion services at the Women’s Health Centre in BGH. For  
example, flyers appeared on lamp posts providing the names and office addresses of four  
physicians, including Dr. Roye, who were willing to provide abortion services “in the local  
abortuary”. The flyers urged, among other things, a boycott of the named physicians. Some of  
these flyers were left in the lobby of the private Avenue Medical Clinic where Dr. Roye and  
Dr. Reason practised.  
[191] Dr. Reason attests that after Bill C-43 was defeated, he agreed to provide abortion  
services because he felt that women have a right to and a need for abortion services. He  
believed it was part of being an obstetrician and gynaecologist to provide abortion services  
and that it was not fair to leave this role to Dr. White and the other physician providing such  
services and who were being harassed for doing so.  
[192] Vandervet admits to picketing the Avenue Medical Centre once in June or July of 1991.  
On five or six other occasions, he left one or two copies of flyers on the bench of the lobby of  
the Avenue Medical Centre. According to Dr. Reason, the patients generally do not use the  
entrance off Brant Avenue. Instead, they use the easterly entrance on St. Thomas Street by  
the Centre’s parking lot. Dr. Reason’s office was in the basement and his staff could not see  
anything outside. Across St. Thomas Street from the Centre is the St. Joseph Roman Catholic  
Church. Dr. Reason saw picketers outside the Centre on one or two occasions when they  
were walking along the public sidewalk on the east side of Brant Street or on the south side of  
St. James St. in a peaceful and quiet fashion, not obstructing access to the Medical Centre.  
[193] Dr. Zohra Docrat started to practise in Brantford in January, 1993. Her offices are also  
located in the Avenue Medical Centre. She has been in practice as a physician specializing in  
obstetrics and gynaecology since 1985. Dr. Docrat was recruited to replace Dr. Reason.  
Dr. Docrat shares office space with Dr. Roye. Dr. Docrat has not observed any picketing in  
front of the Avenue Medical Centre.  
(vi) Dr. James White’s office—353 St. Paul Avenue  
[194] Dr. White is an obstetrician and gynaecologist in Brantford who began practising in  
1958. He is a past chairman of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at BGH and a  
past president of both the North American Society of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists and  
the Niagara Society of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists. His practice was 90% obstetrics  
and 60% gynaecology until 1986 when he limited his practice to gynaecology. He has been  
performing abortions for approximately 15 to 20 years. Prior to 1991, he was one of only two  
physicians performing abortions in Brantford. Dr. White retired from active practice in October,  
1993.  
[195] Dr. White’s office was located at 353 St. Paul Avenue in the Medical Arts building.  
Other health professionals in the two-storey building include a dentist, a family physician, an  
internist and a psychiatrist. Picketing occurred in front of this building as often as once or  
twice a week. There was a core of four to five picketers although on any given day, there  
might be more or less. They would stay for one-half to one hour. They would carry signs and  
march up and down in front of the office building at times when patients would be entering  
and leaving the building. Patients who entered the building by the front door would see the  
pickets. Since Dr. White’s office did not overlook the street, he did not know for certain when  
the picketing in front of the office building stopped. However, he thought that it may have  
been when the picketing of his home began.  
[196] Vandervet states that in 1989, he and two others would attend for about one hour  
approximately three Thursday mornings per month, walking back and forth on the public  
sidewalk in front of the Medical Arts building at 353 St. Paul Avenue. Kuwabara picketed in  
front of the building on three occasions. Notwithstanding that the doctors in Brantford do not  
see abortion patients in their offices, their offices have, none the less, been picketed.  
Vandervet and Kuwabara testify that the purpose of their activity at these doctors’ offices is to  
provoke a community-wide boycott of all the services of the Brantford physicians who perform  
abortions. The signs carried in Brantford say:  
Dr. Charmaine Roye, Stop Abortions  
Dr. Zohra Docrat, Stop Abortions  
Abortion: Canada’s Holocaust  
Abortion is Murder  
Abortion Exploits Women and Kills Babies  
Abortion Kills Children  
Stop Abortion  
[197] Vandervet was examined on his use of signs and his responses took the following  
form, at pp. 134-5:  
Q. You made up your own signs. Any particular reason? Is there any distinction in your  
mind for why you don’t care to—why you use the word kill rather than murder?  
A. That is a sign I think I got from Campaign Life somewhere, and it comes with “kills  
babies”. It is killing. I think, technically, in a legal sense, abortion is not murder because  
it is sort of not homicide, but Mother Theresa says that abortion is murder and I think it is  
murder, too, in that very general sense.  
Q. But you don’t have any personal objection to carrying that sign? If you had a sign that  
said, “Abortion Murders Babies”?  
A. No, but I think “kills” makes the same point.  
(vii) Dr. Henry Reason3 Golfdale Road  
[198] Until their move to Buffalo in April, 1993, Dr. Reason and his wife and two teenaged  
daughters lived at 3 Golfdale Road in Brantford. The house is located at the end of a cul de  
sac. On one side of the house is his neighbour Don Williams and on the other side is the  
Brantford Golf and Country Club. Picketing commenced in 1991 shortly after Dr. Reason  
began to provide abortion services. The picketing ceased for a few months after the bombing  
of the Morgentaler Clinic in May, 1992, but resumed on a more or less biweekly basis, usually  
on Saturday mornings.  
[199] At one time, there were anywhere from 5 to 15 protestors, often accompanied by  
children. More recently, there were usually two or three adults, sometimes with children. The  
numbers would increase and decrease, depending on the weather, but Vandervet and  
Kuwabara were always present. The picketers carried signs with the message, “Dr. Reason,  
stop doing abortions.” When Dr. Reason or members of his family would pass the picketers,  
they would flash their signs at them. He felt uncomfortable going out on the front lawn when  
they were in front of his home. On one occasion, his teenaged daughter advised him of being  
verbally harassed by protestors when she was sitting out on the front lawn.  
[200] Dr. Reason states that no one wants to have picketers in front of his or her home  
identifying a member of a family as being, in effect, a murderer. On one occasion, after the  
protestors had left, he found a puddle of vomit on his porch. In light of the bombing of the  
Morgentaler Clinic in May, 1992, he became concerned about the way picketing drew  
attention to his home. Furthermore, he had read articles in the Brantford Expositor written by  
Vandervet which demonstrated, in his opinion, bizarre thinking.  
[201] A petition was circulated in Brantford for individuals to sign and to indicate they would  
boycott named physicians who provide abortion services. On two occasions, posters of dead  
foetuses were displayed on the telephone pole outside Dr. Reason’s home. The posters were  
approximately three inches by five inches in size. He was advised that a priest in a Roman  
Catholic church in Brantford had, during services, named the three physicians who performed  
abortions in Brantford at the time and asked his parishioners to pray for them. A number of  
Dr. Reason’s friends attended that church and he felt the loss of privacy as a result of such  
comments.  
[202] Dr. Reason regularly receives anti-abortion literature at his home through the mail. The  
letters often contain biblical quotations with the writers urging him to stop performing  
abortions. Sometimes, he receives pictures of dead foetuses. Approximately half the mail is  
anonymous but the rest is signed by Vandervet and others. Vandervet also sends him  
Christmas cards every year.  
(viii) Dr. Docrat  
[203] Dr. Docrat’s concern about being targeted by anti-abortion activists was a factor in her  
decision about whether to live in Brantford. She moved to a condominium complex on a quiet  
residential street to limit the accessibility of her home to potential picketers. She also decided  
to have an unlisted home phone number. Dr. Zohra Docrat has not revealed her home  
address for fear of being picketed. Her fear is justified, in that Kuwabara testifies she would  
picket Dr. Docrat’s home if she knew where it was.  
[204] It is apparent that Kuwabara made an appointment with Dr. Docrat for the ostensible  
purpose of having her deliver Kuwabara’s expected child but with the ulterior motive of  
obtaining information about whether she performs abortions and dissuading her from  
engaging in such actions. About one week after Kuwabara’s visit to Dr. Docrat’s office,  
Dr. Docrat was informed by someone at the hospital that her labour and delivery card was not  
in the rolodex and that the hospital no longer had a record of her home address and phone  
number. The card was never found and had to be replaced. In early March, 1993, she began  
to receive phone calls at her home at odd hours of the day and night. She received about four  
phone calls in a two-week period at 1:00 a.m., 3:00 a.m. and 5:00 a.m. The caller would not  
respond when Dr. Docrat answered the phone. She concludes her affidavit in stating:  
The sequence of these events has made me quite nervous. I verily believe that they are  
all connected and have been orchestrated by certain anti-abortion activists in an attempt  
to intimidate me into not providing abortion services to my patients. I am very concerned  
because I do not know how far certain individuals will go in their attempts to dissuade  
me.  
In April 1993, I began providing abortion services as part of my practice. My decision to  
do so had been very tenuous. I was afraid of being heavily targeted by anti-abortion  
activists and I am very ambivalent about whether I wished to take on the challenge of  
providing services in this area. I remain cautious about my commitment to providing this  
service. If I became the target of increased harassment activity, I do not know that I  
would continue to provide abortion services. In my opinion, a physician should not have  
to be subjected to harassment in the course of providing a legal service.  
(ix) Dr. White70 Ava Road  
[205] Dr. White retired on October 1, 1993, and no longer maintains an office in the Medical  
Arts building on St. Paul Avenue. Picketing is not taking place in front of his house at the  
present time. Dr. White performed abortions from the early 1970s until his retirement. From  
1991, he performed about three abortions each month. Dr. White’s residence is located on  
the south side of Ava Road and fronts onto the main CNR line going through Brantford. There  
is much traffic going in and out of the city past his house. Picketing in front of his home  
started in the spring of 1990. From the fall of 1992, it was on a more or less weekly basis,  
until August, 1993, when he retired. The picketers came almost invariably on Saturday  
morning and stayed for one-half to one hour. There were usually four to five picketers,  
sometimes with children. They carried placards which said “Dr. White stop doing abortions.”  
[206] When the picketers first appeared, he tried talking to them to suggest that it was unfair  
that they picket his home, thereby affecting his family and neighbours. But when it became  
clear he could not reason with them, he began to ignore them. He understood that they would  
only stop picketing if he stopped performing abortions. Dr. White was always concerned that  
there was some considerable risk to either his property or some member of his family in light  
of the bombing of the Morgentaler Clinic in Toronto and the murder of a physician at an  
abortion clinic in Florida. (There has since been two more murders outside a Florida abortion  
clinic.) He was frightened at the prospect that either some “outer fringe member of the group”  
who pickets his home or someone who is not even a member of the group might take it upon  
themselves to do some injury to his property or to a person who happened to be located there  
at any particular time. Because his home is highly visible, the picketing in front of it drew the  
attention of many people to where he lived.  
[207] In her affidavit, Mrs. White describes the disruption to her life arising from the picketing.  
On one occasion when she was gardening, a woman tried to talk to her. Neighbours  
complained of the picketers parking their cars in front of their houses. On another occasion,  
their home was picketed on a Monday evening and this picketing was subsequently featured  
in a newspaper with a photograph of their home and with Dr. White’s name clearly visible on  
the picket signs. She describes the receipt of scathing letters, cards and telephone calls  
which she found upsetting. She concludes her affidavit in stating:  
On March 10, 1993 I was coming home in my car in the evening when I heard the news  
report on the radio that a physician had been shot in Florida in front of the abortion clinic  
where he worked. When I arrived home, I made a point of asking my husband if he had  
heard the news also and he said that he had.  
In view of the bombing of the Morgentaler Clinic in Toronto and the murdering of a  
physician in Florida, I am aware that you need only one person to lose their control for a  
tragedy to occur. I am concerned about picketing activity in front of our home, with signs  
identifying my husband by name, drawing our highly visible home to the attention of  
someone who may do something violent.  
(x) Dr. Roye22 Memorial Drive  
[208] The picketing in front of Dr. Roye’s house at 222 Memorial Drive started in the fall of  
1991 and occurred approximately every two weeks on Saturday until August, 1993. Her  
house is set back approximately 20 to 25 feet from the sidewalk which runs between her lawn  
and a boulevard next to the road. Dr. Roye began performing abortions in or about July, 1991,  
and heard from some colleagues that the anti-abortion picketers were trying to locate her  
home address. In the fall of 1991, people began picketing on the sidewalk in front of her  
house. There were usually three to four adult picketers, sometimes accompanied by one or  
two children. The picketers would carry signs with a picture of a foetus and the message  
“Dr. Charmaine Roye stop abortions.” Some signs would feature a foetus on a Canadian flag.  
The picketers would usually appear in the early afternoon on a Saturday and stay for about an  
hour, walking up and down on the sidewalk in front of her house. There was occasional  
summer weeknight picketing. These picketers included Vandervet and Kuwabara.  
[209] Dr. Roye is unwilling to pass the picketers on foot. If she needs to leave her house  
when they are outside, she uses her car. She fears that if she were on foot, they would draw  
attention to her and try to force their opinions upon her in front of her own home. On  
December 28, 1991, five members of her husband’s family, including his 81-year-old  
grandmother, were visiting while picketers were present in front of their house. The picketing  
interfered with their privacy and enjoyment of that holiday visit.  
[210] Her concern with respect to the picketing has increased since the bombing of the  
Morgentaler Clinic in May, 1992, and the shooting of the physician outside an abortion clinic  
in Florida on March 10, 1993. The two most recent murders in that state will further fuel these  
concerns. She states that the March shooting in Florida brings a serious question to her mind  
as to whether she wants to put her life on the line. When her house was broken into in  
September, 1991, she attributed the incident to the publicity associated with the picketing of  
her home. She is very protective of her privacy and is reluctant to give out her home address  
or telephone number in order to reduce the likelihood of being a target for harassment or  
crime. Before she was identified as a provider of abortion services, if someone asked if she  
was Dr. Roye, it was usually for a positive reason, such as having had delivered a relative’s  
baby. Now, as a result of the picketing, if someone asks her whether she is Dr. Roye, her  
initial reaction is “Who wants to know?”. She does not want to be suspicious of strangers but  
feels that she must be in order to attempt to protect her privacy. She used to work late at her  
office from 9:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m. Now she does not feel sufficiently secure to do so on a  
regular basis. She fears that if such a regular habit became known, she could be harassed or  
threatened when there alone. She too receives unwanted literature in the mail concerning  
abortions. This correspondence has included letters and cards from Kuwabara and  
Vandervet.  
[211] As Chief of the Department of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at Brantford General  
Hospital, Dr. Roye is concerned about the possible difficulty in recruiting obstetricians and  
gynaecologists to practice in Brantford. She points out that abortion is just one part of the  
obstetrics and gynaecology practice. If the hospital is unable to recruit physicians because of  
fear of anti-abortion harassment, this would adversely affect the delivery of many other  
medical services required by women. Dr. Roye is not sure that she herself would have come  
to Brantford had she known how bad the harassment would be. Dr. Roye sees problems  
“down the road” if anti-abortion harassment activity adversely affects the provision of abortion  
services so that no more than three physicians will agree to provide abortion services. Indeed,  
she stated that she will have to reconsider her own willingness to provide abortion services  
should she feel too threatened or over-burdened to carry on.  
(d) Kingston  
(i) Mary Ellen Douglas  
[212] The defendant Mary Ellen Douglas (“Douglas”), the sole Kingston defendant, is  
married and has five children ranging from 14 to 23 years of age. Douglas was employed at  
one time as a lab technician in the Department of Microbiology at Queen’s University where  
she met Dr. Ken Millar. Dr. Millar has been a member of the medical staff in the Department  
of Gynaecology and Obstetrics at Kingston General Hospital for the past 23 years. As part of  
his practice, he performs therapeutic abortions. Douglas has been involved in the “pro-life  
movement” in Kingston in various capacities since 1971 and, in 1987, she became the  
Ontario President of Campaign Life. Douglas has participated in provincial strategy phone  
conferences where Campaign Life Coalition’s approach to home picketing has been  
co-ordinated and discussed.  
[213] At the beginning of May, 1992, Dr. Millar received a telephone call from Douglas. She  
told him that she wanted to meet to discuss the abortion issue because, as she said, “this  
killing has got to stop”. When he told her that he would not meet with her because he thought  
it would be counter-productive, Douglas informed him that his house would be picketed. On  
Saturday, May 9, 1992, at approximately midday, he observed from his home Douglas and  
approximately 12 other people. They were walking back and forth on the street in front of his  
home, carrying placards with the words “Ken Millar kills babies” written on them. They  
marched back and forth for approximately 40 minutes and that at the end of that time, they  
stood in a circle for a few minutes with their heads bowed before departing.  
[214] Two weeks later, on May 23, 1992, his home was again picketed for approximately 40  
minutes in the same manner. In an affidavit dated June 25, 1992, Dr. Millar attests to the  
presence of anti-abortion picketing outside the main entrance to Kingston General Hospital on  
Stewart Street on Monday mornings for approximately two hours for the previous month. On  
Monday, June 23, 1992, as he drove along that street, he saw approximately 10  
demonstrators marching back and forth in front of the main entrance to the hospital. They  
were carrying placards which displayed the words “Abortion kills” and “Judith McNicholas kills  
babies”. Judith McNicholas is a member of the medical staff in the Department of  
Gynaecology and Obstetrics at Kingston General Hospital. She does not perform therapeutic  
abortions. Dr. Millar does perform, on average, two hundred abortions per year at Kingston  
General Hospital.  
[215] Douglas admits that she has picketed the residence of Dr. Millar. The picketing was  
conducted on the side of a public street. It was quiet and uneventful. The picketers did not  
block the road or driveways and they prayed quietly while they picketed. She admits that the  
picketers carried signs which bore the following messages: “Abortion exploits women and kills  
babies”, “Ken Millar, doctors must heal not kill”, “Ken Millar, babies deserve to live”, and “Ken  
Millar kills pre-born babies for a living, stop now”. Picketing took place in front of Dr. Millar’s  
house on three occasions in 1992. There has been no picketing since November, 1992.  
Dr. Millar agrees that he told a local newspaper that the picketers had not personally  
harassed him.  
[216] Douglas has participated in several other peaceful pickets in Kingston. She has  
picketed in front of an office building on Princess Street occupied by Dr. Douglas-Murray  
some six times during 1992. The pickets were quiet and on the public sidewalk. She attended  
with picketers near the main entrance to the Kingston General Hospital five times in May and  
June, 1992. Again, the pickets were quiet, peaceful and on the public sidewalk. Candlelight  
vigils are also held near the main entrance at 7:00 p.m. on December 28th of each year in  
commemoration of the Feast of the Slaughter of the Innocence. Douglas has also participated  
in Life-Chains which run along King Street in Kingston. Life-Chains were held in October,  
1991, 1992 and 1993. As with other Life-Chains, participants stand on the sidewalk facing the  
street and are asked to remain silent. Douglas has picketed, as well, the homes of five other  
doctors in Kingston in May or June, 1992. One picket, that of Dr. George, was held in  
January, 1993. The picketing was held once or twice at the other homes. The signs carried by  
these pickets were the same as those in front of Dr. Millar’s home except the name of the  
doctor was changed. The Attorney-General has not sought to enjoin this additional picketing.  
[217] Douglas was also one of the participants in a joint press conference, previously  
referred to, held on March 25, 1993, where all the speakers, save for Joanne Dieleman, were  
members of the executive of the Campaign Life Coalition Ontario.  
(ii) Shawn Purdy  
[218] Shawn Purdy (“Purdy”), is a member of the Kingston Pro-Choice Collective, a pro-  
abortion group. He filed an affidavit attesting to four anti-abortion demonstrations in Kingston,  
all of which he stated were quiet and conducted on public property. Purdy takes the position  
that the Collective can freely demonstrate and express its pro-choice views. It is his view,  
however, that anti-abortion picketers should be limited as to where and when they can picket  
given the vulnerability of their targets.  
(e) Toronto  
(i) Background  
[219] The events in Toronto concern anti-abortion picketing and other related conduct in  
front of three free-standing abortion clinics. The history behind the creation of free-standing  
clinics has been previously reviewed. They represent a very important vehicle for the delivery  
of abortion services given the historic uncertain commitment of many of our public hospitals to  
providing such services. Statistics kept by the Women’s Health Directorate of the Ontario  
government show that between the years 1989 and 1991, there were approximately 41,000  
therapeutic abortion procedures performed per year in the Province of Ontario. In 1991,  
41,500 abortions were performed in the Province of Ontario. Twenty-five per cent of those  
therapeutic abortions were done in the four Toronto private clinics. Of the 77 public hospitals  
which performed abortions in the Province of Ontario in 1989, only three of those hospitals  
performed 2,000 or more abortion procedures per year.  
[220] The three clinics are the Cabbagetown Clinic, the Scott Clinic and the Choice in Health  
Clinic.  
[221] The Cabbagetown clinic was opened on a sporadic basis during 1989 and has been  
operating on a full-time basis since September 1, 1990. It is located in a converted  
semi-detached house at 302 Gerrard St. East. There is a low brick wall in front of the building  
which separates the public sidewalk from a private sidewalk. At the end of the wall is a small  
wrought iron gate which permits access to the private walkway and to a short set of stairs  
leading to the entrance. At the rear of the clinic there is a small backyard enclosed with a  
fence. Access to the back is gained by a sliding gate in the fence. There is a laneway running  
west of the building and then turning north to the back of the clinic.  
[222] The Scott Clinic opened on June 4, 1986, and is located in a converted semi-detached  
house at 157 Gerrard St. East. The front entrance to the clinic is approximately five feet from  
the public sidewalk. The front property line is defined by iron posts approximately three feet in  
height with a single low chain running through each post. The rear of the building is enclosed  
by a 10-foot chain-link fence.  
[223] The Choice in Health Clinic opened on October 3, 1988. It is located in a small medical  
arts building at 597 Parliament Street on the east side of the street between Amelia and  
Wellesley Streets. The building has two floors and a basement. On the ground floor are a  
bank, a pharmacy and a convenience store. On the second floor are a variety of medical  
offices, a massage therapist and a dentist. The clinic occupies two separate suites on the  
second floor, one for an assessment clinic and one for the delivery of abortion services. The  
latter suite has a metal door opening on the hallway, which is generally open. This door leads  
to a vestibule. On one side of the vestibule is a glass window in which individuals can talk to  
the receptionist on the other side. At one end of the vestibule is a glass door which is kept  
locked at all times. The vestibule is visible from the clinic waiting-room. The clinic offices open  
onto the waiting-room. In addition, there is a door in the waiting-room which leads down a  
hallway to the procedure room.  
[224] Dr Nikki Colodny is the founder and medical director of the clinic. During 1987, while  
Dr. Colodny was working at the Morgentaler Clinic, her home on a residential street in  
Riverdale was picketed most Sundays.  
[225] Dr. Robert Scott is the medical director of the Scott Clinic. In the early 1980s, Dr. Scott  
began performing abortions at Dr. Henry Morgentaler’s clinic in Montreal. Dr. Manole  
Buruiana is the medical director of the Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic and he too previously  
worked with Dr. Morgentaler.  
[226] Two pro-life organizations, Aid to Women and The Way Inn merged to create the  
current Aid to Women Centre (“Aid to Women”) located next to the Cabbagetown Clinic. Aid  
to Women was founded in 1986. Richmond Cochrane (“Cochrane”) became its director in  
1987. It was initially funded by the Catholic Foundation in Human Rights. This funding  
stopped and in 1988, Cochrane, with the aid of Campaign Life Coalition, took over Aid to  
Women. The Way Inn was located next to the Morgentaler Clinic on Harbord Street. A  
number of pro-life supporters started The Way Inn in 1985. As Dr. Morgentaler attests and as  
reviewed earlier in these reasons, anti-abortion picketers attempted to steer patients into the  
Centre where they were urged not to have abortions. Joanne Dieleman worked at The Way  
Inn as “inn keeper and counsellor”. The Way Inn moved as a result of the Morgentaler  
injunction also previously described. In January, 1992, when premises became available next  
to the Cabbagetown Clinic, Cochrane’s organization, Aid to Women, and Dieleman’s  
organization, The Way Inn, merged into a single organization called Aid to Women which  
moved into those premises. Aid to Women occupies the second and third floors of 300  
Gerrard Street East which is adjacent to the clinic.  
[227] The defendants Joanne Dieleman, Linda Gross and Judy Johnson work for this  
charitable, non-profit women’s crisis pregnancy centre. Aid to Women offers counselling,  
pregnancy tests, medical referrals, and practical and other assistance to women in crisis  
pregnancy situations. Supporters of Aid to Women characterize its activities as counselling  
and providing information and assistance to pregnant women who are in a needy situation  
and who want to consider alternatives to abortion. Aid to Women also directs a formidable  
picketing program targeted at the three clinics. The idea behind moving next to the  
Cabbagetown Clinic was to have a convenient location from which to organize picketing, to  
make the patients mistake Aid to Women for an abortion clinic, and to allow picketers to  
watch all the movements at the Cabbagetown Clinic. In these proceedings, the focus of Aid to  
Women’s activities would appear to be the picketing or “sidewalk counselling” by these  
defendants in the vicinity of the three clinics.  
[228] Some of the individuals currently picketing out of Aid to Women are, for example,  
Joanne Dieleman, Linda Gross, Judy Johnson, John McCash, Rosemary Connel, Stella  
Corbit, Tom Brown, Ruth Cogan, Genevieve Copps, Barbara Brown, Bob Bowers, Clayton  
Lee, Father Colleton, Mary Burnie, Ann Dobson, and Grace Petrasak. These same individuals  
were previously involved in picketing the Morgentaler Clinic. Campaign Life Coalition also  
provides ongoing financial support to Aid to Women. This support commenced with  
Cochrane’s involvement and continues in the form of interest-free loans during the current  
course of Aid to Women’s operation. Jim Hughes, President of Campaign Life Coalition,  
picketed at the opening of Aid to Women to demonstrate Campaign Life Coalition’s support  
for its activities.  
(ii) Joanne Dieleman  
[229] The defendant Joanne Dieleman (“Dieleman”) is 57 years old. She is Executive  
Director of Aid to Women. She trained professionally as a registered nurse and worked for 22  
years, from 1968 to 1990, as a foster parent for the Metropolitan Toronto Childrens’ Aid  
Society. She operated a specialized home for difficult and handicapped children and worked  
as an emergency foster care parent to children in need of immediate assistance. She and her  
husband have eight children. Two of her children are adopted. Both children are  
handicapped, one with spina bifida and one with a mental disability. Both children still live at  
home. Over the years, she and her husband have cared for approximately 250 children,  
including many physically and mentally challenged children. Many of the children for whom  
they have cared were “street children”.  
[230] She describes herself as a Christian and believes she must live her life in accordance  
with God’s teachings. She strongly believes, based on her religious principles, that human  
life, no matter how difficult, is deeply valued by God and should be valued by other human  
beings. She believes the sanctity of human life extends to the life of the unborn child growing  
within the mother. She believes it is morally and spiritually wrong to kill any human life,  
including the life of the unborn. She believes that it is just as wrong to kill a defenceless  
unborn child as it is to kill a defenceless baby. She believes it is her responsibility to attempt  
to protect and care for unborn children who may be in danger.  
[231] Dieleman admits to being involved in picketing and “sidewalk counselling” in the vicinity  
of the three Toronto abortion clinics. She describes this picketing and sidewalk counselling as  
peaceful and informative. It is intended to assist any woman who is approaching an abortion  
clinic and considering abortion. She describes herself as a peaceful person who does not  
harass or intimidate patients, block or interfere with access and she counsels other picketers  
to conduct themselves in a like manner. Dieleman wrote a booklet entitled “Sidewalk  
Counselling Saves Babies”. The following selection of excerpts from this booklet illustrates its  
content.  
U.S. statistics tell us that one out of nine women talked to at an abortuary will change  
her mind and choose to carry her baby to term…  
The “client” has been forewarned about pro-lifers whom she may have to deal with? She  
demonstrates hurry to get inside the abortuary: The stories these women use, are  
mostly phoney and should not throw you off… These women are emotionally threatened  
by our presence because we represent a conscience. Still we must reach out to them  
with compassion, gentleness and love…  
Your immediate goal is to get the woman away from the abortuary. Take her, or anybody  
with her, upstairs to “Aid to Women” or to a nearby coffee shop. …  
Always assume that she has a little one inside of her who needs protection. If she says  
she is not pregnant, talk to her just the same. Probably she is not telling the truth, but if  
she is, assume she is there for abortion reasons. Offer her information and  
assistance. …  
Always refer to the baby as he or she. Ask her if she knows how big her baby is and if  
she knows that “he” has arms and legs, can hear and produce his own urine. Show her  
a good picturelarge and clear. Have a plastic baby available or show what happens to  
her son or daughter during abortion and what this procedure does to her baby. Don’t be  
afraid to upset her. She’ll be more upset when she finds out later. …  
[232] Under the heading “When you only have minutes”, the booklet states:  
If she does not want to talk or listen, all is not lost. You may have time to say just one  
sentence to her. Make it brief, meaningful and to the point. Of course you really have to  
size up the situation and speak up to it.  
Here are some suggestions:  
• Is this really your choice?  
• You are hurting yourself.  
• Do you know how dangerous this is?  
• Your baby’s heart has been beating for a long time.  
• I can prove to you, that your baby is alive and has arms and legs.  
• Give your baby to me, I will love him.  
• Abortion does not solve problems; it creates them.  
• You are the only one who can protect your baby. Don’t let others kill her.  
• You will never forgive yourself.  
• You will always remember his or her “Birthday”.  
• This might be your last pregnancy.  
• Abortion does not make you not pregnant. It makes you the mother of a dead  
child.  
• This is so important. Can you please wait 24 hours?  
• Why do you harm this baby who has done nothing wrong?  
• Are you sure you made this decision on your own?  
• We know thousands of couples who would love to adopt your child.  
• Is six or seven months of your life of such importance, that you have to destroy  
your baby for it?  
• Do you know about the complication rate from abortions? 25% of the women  
have complicationswe can back that up.  
• You may be carrying twins.  
• Abortion is legal, but we both know it’s morally wrong.  
• Tomorrow you will feel awful knowing you will never see your baby alive.  
These are some examples of the many things you can say.  
Again, make sure only one person talks at one time. Another counsellor may  
concentrate on the support person accompanying the woman by staying some distance  
behind.  
Give him or her a lot of information and urge that person to go into the abortuary to bring  
the woman to talk to usespecially effective with Oriental and Indian men who have a  
strong influence and authority over their women.  
[233] At p. 39 of the booklet under the heading “Don’t”, there are several instructions,  
including “Don’t touch anyone”, “Don’t counsel alone”, “Don’t get caught up in arguments—  
stay focused on the woman”, “Don’t discuss fellow pro-lifers or give out any personal  
information about them. Our privacy and safety is very important” and “It is illegal to continue  
to talk or to force literature on a person who has clearly indicated that he or she wants you to  
stop doing so”.  
(iii) Richmond Cochrane  
[234] Cochrane is 68 years old. He is the Director of Aid to Women. He works at Aid to  
Women one day a week having overall responsibility for financial and administrative matters  
and providing counselling to women in crisis pregnancy situations. He also works as an  
accountant for the pro-life political organization Campaign Life Coalition Canada. Cochrane  
does not currently picket abortion clinics although he has on several previous occasions in  
1989, 1990, 1991 and 1992. When he picketed, he carried a sign and walked in a circle on  
the public sidewalk in a manner which he says did not block pedestrians and did not block  
access to the clinic in question.  
(iv) Rhonda Wood  
[235] The defendant Wood has been previously described. She is 40 years old and the  
mother of two children. She is the Ontario Coordinator for Campaign Life Coalition Ontario  
and, as indicated previously, Secretary to the National Board of Campaign Life Coalition  
Canada. She is also the spokesperson to the media for Campaign Life Coalition to the media  
and has developed a public profile from this position and from appearances at press  
conferences. She has participated in provincial strategy phone conferences, where Campaign  
Life Coalition’s approach to home picketing has been co-ordinated and discussed. Wood  
participated or assisted in the drafting of the home picketing guidelines previously produced.  
In March, 1993, Wood was the spokesperson for Campaign Life Coalition at a press  
conference which was responding to the release of the government’s Task Group Report and  
to public statements made at recent pro-choice press conferences regarding members of the  
pro-life movement.  
[236] While Wood does not regularly picket or counsel, she has picketed on occasion in front  
of the Scott Clinic. She denies trespassing, using abusive language or intimidating anyone.  
On the other hand, she recollects a Rosary Walk across the street from the Scott Clinic during  
which participants in a counter-demonstration held on the public sidewalk directly in front of  
the Scott Clinic directed profanities and religious obscenities at the participants in the prayer  
service and threw condoms, chanted slogans and used bull horns.  
(v) Judy Johnson  
[237] The defendant Judy Johnson (“Johnson”) is 52 years old and a mother of five children.  
She has worked as a teacher and has been a foster mother for the Catholic Children’s Aid  
Society since 1989. Johnson pickets in the vicinity of the Toronto abortion clinics on a regular  
basis. She asserts that the purpose of her picketing and sidewalk counselling is to  
communicate information about abortion and to offer help and assistance to women  
considering abortion. She states that her picketing has been quiet and peaceful and does not  
interfere with access to abortion clinics. Both Dieleman and Johnson deliberately breached  
the Morgentaler injunction on several occasions.  
(vi) Linda Gross  
[238] The defendant Linda Gross (“Gross”) is 43 years old and works full time as a crisis  
pregnancy counsellor with Aid to Women. She lives at Aid to Women. She pickets and  
sidewalk counsels regularly in the vicinity of the Toronto abortion clinics, usually with a  
relatively small group of people. Gross states that the purpose of her activities is to  
communicate information about abortion to pregnant women and to offer help and assistance  
to women considering abortion. She states that the picketing is peaceful, quiet and does not  
constitute harassment or interference with access to the clinics.  
[239] During the period of time that the Morgentaler injunction protected the Scott Clinic,  
Gross breached the injunction and was arrested and charged on numerous occasions. On  
October 13, 1992, she was sentenced to two years’ probation on the condition that she stay  
away from the Scott Clinic. The very next day, she returned to picket the Scott Clinic. On  
October 14, 1992, Gross was charged and convicted of obstructing a police officer and  
breaching her probation and she was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment. She was  
imprisoned until March 18, 1993. She was employed by Aid to Women during the time that  
she breached the injunction and immediately returned there after her release from prison.  
(vii) Barry D’Costa  
[240] The defendant Barry D’Costa (“D’Costa”) is 22 years of age and is a student at the  
University of Waterloo, majoring in philosophy. He has been a full-time student at that  
university since 1991. He denies any current involvement in picketing activities and any  
current intention to be involved in picketing activities at abortion clinics or public hospitals in  
Toronto or elsewhere in Ontario.  
[241] Maria Corsillo, Manager of the Scott Clinic, accuses D’Costa of spray-painting the  
clinic’s building, which he denies. In 1989 and 1990, D’Costa was involved in a number of  
Operation Rescue activities at the Toronto clinics. In 1989, he was arrested on two occasions  
for activities at the Morgentaler Clinic. On the first occasion, he was charged with obstructing  
a police officer because he refused to leave the front of the clinic when ordered to do so. On  
the second occasion, he was held in the Don Jail for five days without bail. D’Costa  
participated in Operation Rescue activities at the Scott Clinic during this period of time as  
well. In January, 1990, he organized a sit-in at the Choice in Health Clinic with a group of  
teenagers. This involved a forceable entry into the clinic in which he chained and handcuffed  
himself to the clinic’s furniture. This invasion or “Operation Rescue” of the clinic resulted in  
D’Costa’s conviction for mischief and forceable entry, for which he received 15 days’  
incarceration in the Don Jail. In 1989 and 1990, D’Costa picketed with a group of people in  
front of the Scott Clinic. He describes this picketing as quiet and peaceful, consisting of  
picketing on the public sidewalk holding signs. He was not charged as a result of these  
activities. He does not believe that he has picketed in Toronto at any location since 1990.  
[242] More recently, he founded an organization known as Students for Life. This  
organization conducted a number of rallies in front of the Kitchener-Waterloo Hospital and in  
front of the Planned Parenthood in Kitchener-Waterloo. He, along with others, carried signs at  
these rallies with words such as “Give Life a Chance—Abortion Kills Children”. He indicates  
that there were approximately a dozen students at these rallies. The purpose of the vigils, he  
states, was to raise public awareness of the fact that the Kitchener-Waterloo Hospital was  
performing abortions and that Planned Parenthood was making referrals there for abortion.  
He wanted to make this known to the Kitchener-Waterloo community and to express his  
opinion in opposition to abortion. He has participated in a number of Life-Chains along a main  
thoroughfare of Kitchener-Waterloo holding similarly worded signs.  
(viii) Daniel McCash  
[243] The defendant Daniel McCash (“McCash Sr.”) is 46 years old and works as a systems  
quality assurance manager for a major insurance company. He denies picketing at any  
abortion clinic or public hospital in Toronto or elsewhere since 1988. Instead, his activities  
have been directed to public policy development and implementation. McCash Sr. is currently  
a member of the Liberal Party of Canada and is on the national executive of Liberals for Life,  
a pro-life organization within the party. He recently sought the Liberal nomination for the  
federal riding of Etobicoke-Lakeshore.  
[244] McCash Sr. picketed on a regular basis and was involved in sidewalk counselling  
outside the Morgentaler abortion clinic from December, 1984 to February, 1987. He points out  
that until 1988, the Morgentaler Clinic was breaching the Criminal Code by conducting  
abortions in that facility. He states that he attended at the clinic on the public sidewalk to  
express his view that what Dr. Morgentaler was doing was wrong and unlawful.  
[245] Maria Corsillo attests to an incident involving McCash Sr. which occurred one Saturday  
in 1990. She and her son were on their way to breakfast when they met McCash Sr. walking  
in the opposite direction. She alleges McCash Sr. asked her young son whether he knew that  
his mother and father killed babies for a living and why he did not tell them to stop. When  
Corsillo put her son in their car and locked the door, McCash Sr. began banging on the  
windows of the passenger side where her son was sitting and again told him to tell his parents  
to stop killing babies. He also told the young boy he should be ashamed to have parents like  
that.  
[246] McCash Sr. has organized Life-Chains in Toronto which are not in proximity to an  
abortion clinic or public hospital. He has also spoken at conferences for Campaign Life  
Coalition. One such conference was held in Toronto in June, 1992, entitled “Save the Planet’s  
People”. He spoke on the topic of political action specifically, providing advice regarding the  
nomination of pro-life candidates for the federal election and for pro-life individuals who  
wanted to become involved in political parties.  
[247] McCash Sr. asserts that his motivation with respect to these activities is primarily  
religious. He believes that it is morally and religiously wrong to take a life, especially the life of  
an unborn child. He believes that a society which would kill an innocent unborn child is also a  
society that would engage in euthanasia or other arbitrary decisions to end life. This could  
lead to a society without compassion and without justice. He has, therefore, committed  
himself to direct involvement in the political process in an attempt to implement public policy  
and to change the law in Canada governing abortion. He questions why he has been named  
as a defendant in this action since he has not spoken publicly nor acted with respect to  
picketing of abortion clinics for a period of over six years. He believes the answer is that he  
has a political profile and is known to be in opposition to the New Democratic Party and to  
pro-choice supporters. He submits that this action is a significant abuse of the authority and  
power of “the NDP government”.  
(ix) John McCash  
[248] John McCash (“McCash Jr.”) is a full-time student of political science at the University  
of Toronto. He has not picketed in front of abortion clinics for the last two and a half years,  
with the exception of the summer of 1993 when he picketed at the Scott and Cabbagetown  
Clinics for approximately one hour a week some 15 times. He says his picketing was quiet  
and peaceful. It was intended to communicate information regarding abortion and the  
assistance available to women considering abortion. Pictures of McCash Jr. sitting on his  
bicycle and staring into the clinic have been submitted. This appears to be his regular posture  
on such occasions.  
[249] Maria Corsillo describes her concern over his presence in 1993 in light of earlier  
altercations with him. One incident occurred in 1988 when she, her husband Dr. Scott, their  
two children and her father attended an auto show at the Automotive Building in Toronto.  
Another occurred in 1989 at the Eaton Centre. In these respects, she attests:  
While we were walking through the show, John McCash, who was about 14 years old at  
the time, approached us and began to verbally accost us. John McCash is the son of  
Dan McCash, a well-known anti-choice picketer. On approaching us, John McCash  
began screaming “baby killer”, directing his attention to our son who was about 5 years  
old at the time. Mr. McCash followed us every where we went in the building calling out  
to people: “Everybody! do you know who this is? This man murders babies for money”.  
We tried to ignore him. At one point, a man and his wife who were holding hands and  
chatting walked by us. The man was carrying a baby in a Snuglee. John McCash  
suddenly grabbed hold of the baby and screamed, “Dr. Scott, you like to kill babies?  
Why don’t you kill this one?” The father of the baby was outraged. He grabbed McCash  
by the throat and threatened him. I would have thought that the man’s reaction would  
have stopped McCash but it did not. He continued to follow us through the building. We  
finally found a police officer who attempted to calm McCash down, however he  
continued to scream out. As a result, we left the show angry, exhausted, and terrified.  
In 1989, we had another similar encounter with John McCash. My father, my two  
children and I, were shopping at Eaton Centre in Toronto for Christmas presents in a  
store called Beaver Canoe. Suddenly, John McCash appeared. He began screaming at  
my son: “So this is how you spend your father’s blood money?” My son was terrified.  
McCash continued screaming: “This boy’s father is a baby killer and this is where he  
spends his blood money. This boy’s father kills babies by abortion”. I called for the store  
manager and requested that he call the police. By that time, a large crowd had gathered.  
I managed to get my son outside of the store. An off duty police officer came into the  
store, grabbed John McCash and dragged him away. As he was being dragged away,  
McCash continued to scream: “This boy’s father kills babies by abortion and this boy’s  
father is a mass murderer”. Our children were devastated by this experience. To this  
day, whenever our son encounters picketers, he exhibits visible signs of fear which I do  
not believe he is ever going to get over. My father, who had just turned 70 at the time of  
this incident, was outraged.  
[250] McCash Jr., in his affidavit, admits to following the family through the Automotive  
Building and informing people “what [Dr. Scott] does”. However, he denies grabbing a baby  
and he points out that he was 16 years old at the time. He also admits to meeting the family in  
the Beaver Canoe store but says that he spoke only to Maria Corsillo and not her son. He has  
no recollection of being grabbed by a police officer and dragged away. He was 17 years old at  
that time.  
[251] At para. 23 of Maria Corsillo’s affidavit, she asserts that picketers frequently harass  
clinic staff. After describing the conduct of picketers outside the Scott Clinic during 1989 and  
1990, she then states:  
Picketers verbally abuse Clinic staff as well as subject them to other forms of abuse and  
harassment. For example, on one occasion on June 1, 1989, John McCash spat on me  
and on one of the nurses.  
[252] McCash Jr. denies having spit at Maria Corsillo or one of the nurses. He admits to  
speaking to them but he alleges that Maria Corsillo and other staff “have spat at me, kicked  
me and tried to grab my sign when I have been picketing”. At para. 18 of his affidavit he  
states:  
They believe they can be rude and profane to us, spit at us scream obscenities, and  
assault us and do this with impunity. They believe that our presence alone justifies a  
violent response, which is “our fault”. We respond passively to this type of activity and  
pray quietly for them.  
(x) Operation Rescue  
[253] The term “Operation Rescue”, as previously described, is the mass convergence of  
pro-life supporters on a clinic with the aim of completely disrupting the activities of the clinic  
for the period of the operation. The tactic involves invasion of the premises and mass civil  
disobedience upon being directed to leave. The chaining or handcuffing of participants to  
furniture or less moveable objects, the use of stink bombs and the indiscriminate application  
of glue together with shouting and other disruptive activity feature prominently in an Operation  
Rescue. All of the clinics have been so disrupted as described by Maria Corsillo in her  
affidavit at paras. 27 and 28:  
The anti-choice picketers increased their intensity by forming mass picketing known as  
“OPERATION RESCUE” (hereinafter referred to as “Rescue”). In total, ten “Rescues”  
took place at the Scott Clinic. They occurred on January 13, 1989, May 12, 1989,  
June 28, 1989, July 26, 1989, August 23, 1989, August 28, 1989, September 8, 1989,  
September 29, 1989, August 27, 1989 and November 15, 1989. Attached hereto as  
Exhibit “B” to this my Affidavit are a series of photographs taken by clinic staff of these  
Rescues.  
Hundreds of people would participate in these Rescues. They would swarm the clinic  
and block the front steps and back of the property screaming: “there will be no killing  
today” or, “what are you going to do now?” As part of their tactic, the “rescuers” would  
wear yellow or blue bibs. It was frightening to arrive to work in the morning to such a  
scene. During the “Rescues”, people would jump the fence surrounding the clinic. On  
one occasion when Dr. Scott tried to get into the clinic, some of the picketers jumped the  
fence to try to prevent him from going up the side stairs. In January of 1989, we  
experienced a “Rescue” which was one of the most harrowing experiences that I have  
faced. The group performing the Rescue became very arrogant and aggressive. They  
began to chase people, grab them, and hold onto them.  
[254] However, Operation Rescue-type tactics have not been employed since 1991. All pro-  
life affiants make this point as, for example, did McCash Jr. at para. 12. Picketing in recent  
years has occurred daily but in much reduced numbers, usually in the order of three or four  
picketers. However, more massive picketing is not absent. On several occasions throughout  
the year and without notice, many more picketers than three or four appear. For example, on  
July 20, 1993, the Cabbagetown Clinic was swarmed by approximately 20 protestors at the  
front and back entrances. The protest started in the morning and lasted into the afternoon.  
[255] The protestors came from Lindsay, Ontario and Aid to Women provided them with the  
picket signs. The protestors stood at the front entrance of the clinic gate and attempted to  
block the entrance to the clinic. They made it extremely difficult for patients to enter the clinic.  
The picketers gathered shoulder to shoulder at the front door of the clinic forming a blockade.  
Patients had to force their way through. One patient could not physically get through. The  
protestors were quite angry, raising their fists in the air and shouting at the patients as they  
entered through the iron gate that surrounds the clinic.  
[256] Every kind of emotion was displayed by the patients that day. Some arrived hysterical,  
sobbing and shaking and others were angry and frightened. They were nervous as a result of  
what the picketers said to them. They were told they would be infertile, that they could die,  
and that they could haemorrhage. One patient’s emotional state was such that she had to  
reschedule her appointment. Another picketer had assaulted a patient by grabbing her arm.  
Some patients cancelled their appointment because of the presence of the picketers.  
[257] On Remembrance Day, 1993, a picketer looked at Maria Corsillo, took his finger and  
made a motion as if cutting his throat. He then made a motion with his hand as if pointing a  
gun and shooting it. Regular picketers were with the man who made this threat, including  
Linda Gross.  
[258] While picketing in recent years has usually involved only a handful of regular picketers,  
the staff of the clinics view such picketing against the backdrop of previous Operation  
Rescues and the awareness that much more substantial picketing may occur at any time. As  
a result, the clinics have security procedures more akin to a bank or jail than a location where  
health services are provided.  
(xi) Choice in Health Clinic  
[259] This clinic first opened in October, 1988, as indicated previously, and on February 28,  
1990, the clinic was provincially incorporated as a non-profit corporation, TORCAN Women’s  
Reproductive Health Clinic Inc. operating under the name Choice in Health Clinic. It was  
established with and continues to be run by a six-member volunteer board of directors. It has  
been funded under the Independent Health Facilities Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. I.3, as amended,  
since June, 1991, and licensed as an independent health facility since September 17, 1991.  
This means all of the clinic’s funding comes from the Ontario government. While three of the  
four abortion clinics located in Toronto are located within a few blocks of each other, the client  
base for all of the clinics is drawn from across Metropolitan Toronto and from across Ontario  
Since being licensed as an independent health facility, the Choice in Health Clinic has a  
service plan which provides comprehensive therapeutic abortion services with the following  
elements:  
(a) counselling;  
(b) pregnancy assessment program;  
(c) pre-procedural medical assessment;  
(d) therapeutic abortion procedure;  
(e) post-procedure recovery care;  
(f) post-discharge complication management;  
(g) post-procedure medical follow-up;  
(h) sexually transmitted disease testing and treatment;  
(i) translation services for non-English speaking ethnic minorities;  
(j) timely and universal accessibility to services; and  
(k) a quality assurance program.  
[260] Many of these services are insured under OHIP. Non-insured services are provided  
free of charge as they are considered essential to the procedure. The clinic is open five days  
a week. Abortion services are provided a minimum of ten hours per day, four days a week. As  
a result, the clinic is regularly open beyond normal business hours. Dr. Colodny is the medical  
director and six doctors presently work at the clinic. The clinic also employs eight permanent  
staff and seven relief staff who cover sick leave and vacations.  
[261] The non-physician staff fall into three categories and have various kinds of post-  
secondary training. The nursing staff consists of registered nurses. Counsellors have a variety  
of post-secondary training in areas such as social work, sociology, psychology and women’s  
studies. In addition, all counsellors have counsellor training and experience obtained at  
facilities such as the Rape Crisis Centre, women’s shelters, crisis intervention units, the Clark  
Institute of Psychiatry and the Women’s Counselling Referral and Education Centre.  
Administrative staff have a variety of post-secondary training.  
[262] The clinic only performs abortions for women whose last menstrual periods started not  
more than 14 weeks previously. Approximately 2,000 abortion procedures are performed per  
year. Many women who undergo the abortion procedure use other services available at the  
clinic. The technique used by Choice in Health for abortions is the vacuum suction technique.  
This technique was pioneered in Canada by Dr. Henry Morgentaler. Dr. Colodny was trained  
by Dr. Morgentaler. The technique has the advantage of not requiring the use of a general  
anaesthetic which carries its own risks.  
(a) Picketing at Choice in Health Clinic  
[263] Dr. Colodny attests to the difficulties of recruiting medical staff to perform abortions.  
Illustrative of the difficulties that abortion service providers experience is Dr. Colodny’s own  
problems in attempting to lease a home. Home owners were reluctant to rent to her out of  
concern that their property could be damaged by people opposed to her work. In  
Dr. Colodny’s affidavit of August 13, 1993, she also describes the language on anti-choice  
pickets and in pamphlets as “structured to dehumanize abortion providers and to instill in  
members of the anti-choice movement a sense that abortion providers are evil ‘butchers’  
worthy of at least contempt, if not more”. She goes on to state:  
This language coupled with descriptions of our Clinic as an “abortuary” or descriptions of  
myself as an “abortionist” (who may or not be a trained practitioner) or a “baby killer” is  
not just simply designed to harass and intimidate but also to create a climate where I  
fear that individuals will ultimately believe that causing harm to abortion providers is not  
just simply justifiable, but actually a public service.  
[264] In her affidavit of June 18, 1993, Dr. Colodny describes the effect of harassment on  
patients and on staff in these terms:  
On days when there were blockades of access to the clinic, patients experienced  
anxiety, fear and stress. They were concerned for their personal safety and that they  
would be unable to have their procedure that day. As discussed above, some patients  
were forced to re-book and have their procedure done a week later. Even if a patient  
was able to have the procedure several hours later, additional stress was caused by the  
need to wait several hours, and to make alternative employment, babysitting and  
transportation arrangements as a result. These concerns can be particularly significant  
for patients who have come to our clinic from out of town.  
On days when picketing occurs, such as the regular Wednesday picketers or the  
protestors who arrive on Fridays, the patients express their concerns to us about  
personal safety and privacy. They ask why the protestors are there, whether they ever  
try to push their way into the clinic. The presence of the protestors causes patients to  
ask whether we have activity like that experienced by the Morgentaler clinic on Harbord  
Street and in particular, they ask whether there will be trouble and how likely it is that a  
bombing will occur. The protestors heighten their anxiety and guilt because they are  
confronted by persons who are expressing a hostile judgment of their actions just prior  
to surgery. This particularly can be true when that judgment has a religious content.  
The counsellors document any information which may be relevant to the patients’ pain  
level including expressed concerns about protestors and provide it to me. I often have  
found that on days when there are protestors the patients require additional medication,  
which is a narcotic before surgery. Any additional medication creates additional risk.  
We have found that fears associated with anti-abortion harassment and concern for  
personal safety increases our level of staff turnover. When incidents occur, they are the  
subject of discussion among all the staff for days afterward. Often, security concerns are  
the subject of staff meetings. Staff are keenly aware of the incidents that have occurred  
in the United States the Morgentaler Clinic and other clinics in Toronto and that, at any  
time, such activity may occur at our clinic. The bombing at the Morgentaler Clinic made  
staff more fearful about protestors at our clinic. They are uncertain about what acts the  
protestors may commit. They worry that the protestors by so publicly identifying the clinic  
as a place where abortions are performed will attract persons capable of violent acts.  
Staff know that they are at risk and are responsible for the protection of the patients in  
such situations. Staff modify their behaviour in an attempt to protect their personal  
privacy. They try to ensure that they are not followed home at the end of the day.  
When we recruit staff, applicants always ask about the anti-abortion activity. Indeed, as  
a substantial part of our standard interview process, we ask applicants a number of  
questions about their capacity to deal with such harassment.  
[265] Margaret Hancock is Executive Director of the Choice in Health Clinic. She notes that  
the primary concern of many patients is that their identities not be revealed. They may have  
kept their pregnancy a secret from friends or relatives for fear of ostracism. The presence of  
protestors outside the clinic inevitably causes distress for these women. They become  
concerned that their identities will be revealed and that the privacy they expect-from a medical  
facility will not be available.  
[266] She points out that staff are forced to interrupt their daily activity of servicing patients in  
order to record the presence of protestors in a security log or to call police. The verbal  
comments made to staff by protestors to staff cause them to feel angry and insulted. She  
notes that each time a staff member sees a protestor outside the clinic, the member is  
reminded that there are people who disagree with what he or she is doing. The staff also  
fears that some of these people will resort to violence to stop the clinic’s activities. She  
asserts that the presence of protestors outside the clinic creates a hostile environment which  
permeates and colours the environment of the clinic.  
[267] Security arrangements include: elaborate locking devices; strategic placement of  
mirrors to maximize visibility; maintenance of a security lock; elaborate appointment and  
verification procedures; and special physical arrangements including bullet proof glass, solid  
core door, additional locks and deadbolts on interior doors and two tone alarm systems.  
Hancock states that not only are these procedures a financial burden on the clinic but they  
convey a powerful sense of illicit activity, potential danger, hostility and suspicion by the  
outside world to both patients and others. All of these factors are antithetical to the provision  
of a caring and supportive environment. She goes on to state:  
The security procedures in place also create an unorthodox working environment that is  
effectively in many ways isolated from the outside world. This makes the clinic unlike  
any other medical facility and more like a prison. As such, the clinic is not a working  
environment in which employees can easily relax. I have never considered using it as a  
meeting or visiting place for friends or family. All of this adds to employee stress levels.  
[268] However in recent months, picketing at Choice in Health has occurred less frequently  
than experienced by the other two clinics. The picketing has usually involved two or three  
picketers who stand on the public sidewalk, speak to passers-by, hold signs and hand out  
pamphlets. The defendant Jane Ubertino who is sometimes accompanied by two or three  
other women, walks up and down the sidewalk “meditatively” praying and sometimes hands  
out pamphlets. This occurs on the last Friday of each month for one hour. No woman, or clinic  
staff, has been prevented from entering the clinic over the past three years because of the  
presence of picketers. From January 1, 1993 until June 18, 1993, the date that the Attorney-  
General’s affidavits were sworn, there was only one incident of picketing observed or noted  
by the clinic staff. This involved two or three “meditative” picketers. From June 18 to August  
16, 1993, prior to the filing of the intervener’s affidavit material, there were five further  
incidents of picketing observed by clinic staff, involving two or three picketers standing on the  
public sidewalk, holding signs, handing out pamphlets and behaving in a “non-confrontational”  
manner. From August 16 to December 15, 1993, there were six further occasions when two  
or three picketers were noted picketing on the public sidewalk in the vicinity of Choice in  
Health Clinic. Mass picketing and invasions of the clinic have not occurred since 1989 and  
1990. Indeed, it was January 31, 1990, when approximately 12 to 14 people from  
“T.R.U.T.H.” entered the clinic and locked themselves to the chairs with kryptonite bicycle  
locks. On that occasion, protestors damaged the door leading to the procedure room when  
they attempted to push through it. Three patients had to be locked in an administrative office  
for their own protection. This incident began with a protestor who was allowed into the clinic  
while masquerading as a patient. As a result of this incident detailed verification procedures  
now are a precondition to entry.  
[269] It is apparent that Dieleman, as Executive Director of Aid to Women, regulates much of  
the picketing at the three Toronto clinics, save for the activities of Jane Ubertino, and provides  
the signs used by the picketers. There are at least 60 different signs carried by the picketers  
at the Toronto clinics. The contents of some of the signs include the following:  
STOP KILLING BABIES on a stop sign  
HELP STOP ALL ABORTIONS  
MY LIFE Is IN YOUR HANDS  
(with what purports to be a photograph of a fetus held in a human hand)  
CHOOSE LIFELET YOUR BABY LIVE  
(with a picture of a smiling baby)  
WHY MOM? WHEN I HAVE So MUCH LOVE To GIVE  
(with a drawing of a crying baby)  
MOM, GIVE LOVE A CHANCE  
(with a photograph of a laughing baby)  
LET YOUR BABY LIVE  
ABORTION: You WILL ALWAYS REMEMBER THE CHILD YOU NEVER KNEW  
MOMMY, PLEASE GO HOMEI WANT TO LIVE  
(with a drawing of a foetus)  
TODAY’S ABORTION: TOMORROW’S REGRETS  
ABORTION, GOD CALLS IT MURDER  
(with a representation of blood dripping from the word “abortion”)  
ABORTION IS MURDER  
(with a representation of blood dripping from the word “murder”)  
ABORTION EXPLOITS WOMEN AND KILLS BABIES  
(with a photograph of a foetus)  
ABORTION KILLS BABIES  
(with a drawing of a foetus)  
ABORTION KILLS CHILDREN  
MANY CHILDREN DIE HERE  
ABORTION: THE ULTIMATE CHILD ABUSE  
ABORTION HAS 2 VICTIMS1 DEAD AND 1 WOUNDED  
ABORTION KILLS PEOPLEIT WAS A GIRL  
(with the word “kills” in jagged lettering)  
DR. (?) COLODNY KILLS UNBORN BABIES  
(with a representation of blood dripping from the word “kills”)  
DR. (?) SCOTT KILLS UNBORN BABIES  
(with a representation of blood dripping from the word “kills”)  
DR. (?) BURUIANA KILLS UNBORN BABIES  
(with a representation of blood dripping from the word “kills”)  
ABORTIONISTS LIE TO WOMEN FOR MONEY  
(with a drawing of a hand holding a bag with a dollar sign on it)  
ABORTION: A DEAL WITH THE DEVIL  
(with a drawing of a handshake)  
CANADA’S HOLOCAUST—ABORTION  
(with a drawing of a foetus on a Canadian flag)  
STOP ABORTION  
(with what purports to be a photograph of a torn foetal head held in clamps over a jar  
with liquid in it)  
A photograph of dismembered bodies of what purports to be aborted foetuses  
ABORTION BUTCHER SENT TO JAIL  
[270] During 1992, the picketers carried the sign “Abortion Butcher Sent to Jail” outside the  
three clinics. Dr. Colodny describes her reaction to this sign:  
This sign is clearly misleading. The doctor who was sent to jail was a doctor in New York  
City. By carrying the sign outside our clinic, the clear impression is left that it was one of  
the doctors in our clinic who was sent to jail. I find this particularly disturbing and  
insulting. I have dedicated my life and taken considerable abuse and harassment in  
order to make safe abortions available to women. One of my reasons for doing so is my  
awareness that women may seek abortions from people without adequate training or  
concern for their safety.  
[271] On December 2, 1992, Mary Roberts (“Roberts”), a regular picketer from Aid to  
Women, trespassed into the clinic vestibule. She held a sign to the glass partition in the  
vestibule with the message “Abortion Kills Babies” and photographs of foetuses in a glossy  
brochure. The sign and photographs were visible to the patients in the waiting-room. On  
December 4, 1992, Dr. Colodny approached the door of the clinic to find that it was blocked  
by Roberts. Roberts recognized Dr. Colodny as a doctor who performs abortions and started  
screaming at her. She also put her hand on Dr. Colodny’s hand and the doctor told her “If you  
don’t remove your hand, I’ll charge you.” While Roberts removed her hand, she remained in  
front of the door making it impossible for Dr. Colodny to enter the clinic. Dr. Colodny was  
crying and very upset by this encounter. Having experienced such harassment for so long,  
she now asks herself how many more years she will be able to practise medicine under these  
conditions. Roberts refused to promise that she would not trespass again and refused to give  
her name to the police officer called to deal with the situation. She was subsequently arrested  
and sentenced to 30 days in jail.  
(b) Jane Ubertino’s activities  
[272] The defendant Jane Ubertino (“Ubertino”) began writing to Choice in Health in  
approximately November, 1989. She started to attend outside the clinic when the clinic  
indicated that it did not want a dialogue with her. On May 10, 1993, she wrote the clinic  
concerning the Attorney-General’s institution of these proceedings stating, “When I went to  
sleep that night, I found out about the injunction, etc., the feeling I had was one of having  
been betrayed by you.” She advised the clinic that her activity “will continue one way or the  
other”.  
[273] Ubertino is a believing and practising member of St. John the Compassionate Mission,  
which is a parish of the Ukrainian Catholic Eparchy of Toronto and Eastern Canada. Her  
husband, Reverend Roberto Ubertino, is the Pastor. Thus, Ubertino holds the position of  
“presbytera” in her local community. A priest’s wife, in the Ukrainian Catholic Church, is often  
expected to play a leading role in the life of the congregation. She believes that an individual  
is called by God to live as a “whole” person. By this she means a person whose religious faith  
and daily life are fully integrated.  
[274] In the tradition of Catholic Christianity, every Friday recalls the Friday when Christ was  
crucified nearly 2,000 years ago. Since receiving the letter of January 25, 1990, from the  
clinic, Ubertino and a few of her friends meet on the first Friday of each month at Wellesley  
and Parliament Streets for a brief prayer. They then walk down Parliament Street to Amelia  
Street and back, praying silently, for an hour. It is not their practice to carry or read from  
bibles, clasp their hands, dangle rosaries, or “posture”. They do not stop in front of the clinic,  
walk together on the sidewalk, carry any pickets or signs, or accost women going into the  
clinic.  
[275] Because the abortion clinic is in a medical centre, it is difficult to know if a woman is  
entering the building for an abortion or for some other purpose. They do not initiate  
conversation with people, but for a time, handed out flyers to those who would take them. The  
flyers state:  
• We pray:  
• for ourselves—that we may contribute in our own way to a society where children  
are welcome.  
• for the people who work at the clinics.  
• for the babies who are dying there.  
• for the mothers and fathers of the babies.  
You are very welcome to join us.  
[276] The defendant Ubertino believes that abortion is a form of violence and that violence is  
sinful. A “witness” against violence seeks to be non-violent. The particular form of witness  
which she has chosen respecting abortion is prayer. She seeks to be a praying presence. The  
teaching of the Catholic church clearly states that abortion is an intrinsically evil act and  
therefore materially sinful. It contradicts and diminishes common humanity and constitutes  
what the Second Vatican Council speaks of as an “abominable crime”.  
[277] On the first Friday of April before Easter in both 1992 and 1993, the defendant  
Ubertino and her friends prayed aloud the Stations of the Cross. Before they did so, however,  
she sent a letter to the clinic dated March 31, 1992, explaining what they were going to do  
and providing a copy of the prayer. “Stations of the Cross” is the name given to a devotional  
meditation on the suffering and death of Jesus which invites those taking part to acknowledge  
their own complicity in the sins of the whole human race for which Christ died. The practice of  
this devotional meditation began first among the Christians in Jerusalem at what was thought  
to be the very places (“stations”) where the events of the Passion recorded in the New  
Testament first occurred. Medieval Christians returning from pilgrimage to Jerusalem  
reproduced this devotion at home in Europe by placing on the walls of their churches images  
of the 14 moments per station that made up the way of the cross and by replicating the  
movement in procession in the spirit of penance and reparation.  
[278] Since July 2, 1993, Ubertino and her friends have brought with them an icon which has  
been blessed, depicting the Virgin Mary and Jesus. One at a time, each person carries the  
icon in front of him or her as the group proceeds up and down the block. The person looks  
down at the icon so that it does not look like a “badge” or “self-righteous posturing”. If anyone  
has a comment or a question about the icon, the person carrying the icon does not respond.  
Another walks a little behind that person and answers any questions. They also have a new  
simplified flyer to hand out to those who ask questions bearing an illustration of the icon. In all  
other respects, the routine remains the same. Every Eastern Christian home has a prayer  
corner where icons are kept in public view and the carrying of portable icons is a normal  
custom among Eastern Christians both for private prayer and as a focal point for communal  
prayer.  
[279] Ubertino is not required by the strictures of her religion to carry out these activities. She  
admits that her acting out the Stations of the Cross outside the clinic and continuing down the  
block is not a practice of her religion. Indeed, most members of her church do not engage in  
such activity. Nevertheless, in the opinion of Reverend Robert J. Berringer, C.S.B., her  
activities are said to authentically reflect the traditions and practices of the Ukrainian Catholic  
Church of which she is a member. Reverend Berringer filed an affidavit in these proceedings  
and was not cross-examined.  
[280] It is also significant that Ubertino has not participated with any of the defendants in the  
activities which are the subject of complaints. As noted, the particular form of witness which  
she has chosen respecting abortion is prayer. She and her friends seek to be “a praying  
presence”. It appears that she happened upon Choice in Health in 1989 when she was  
pregnant and sought medical assistance at the Donvale Medical Centre at 597 Parliament  
Street, the building in which Choice in Health is located. In her affidavit, she states:  
…I found the juxtaposition to be too much. I was pregnant, looking forward to giving birth  
after having lost a baby, finding myself walking by a clinic where the death of babies was  
sought. …  
I was wrestling with the appropriate Christian response to the situation. Jesus said to  
love one’s enemies, to return good for evil. There is a whole invisible side to reality  
which makes it impossible to judge whether people themselves are good or bad  
peopleit is not for us to judge that. It is necessary to make the distinction between  
what people do and their infinite value as human beings. Therefore, one can say that  
unborn children are being killed by Clinic staff and say at the same time that the Clinic  
staff are worthy of respect, courtesy and are loved by God as much as we are. As a  
member of society, I am personally implicated in the violence. I believe we need to  
recognize how all of us are implicated and condemn the action, not vilify the one who  
does it. …  
My friends and I offer our prayer to be used by God however He sees fit. The aim is our  
own conversion. We hope also to reach the hearts and consciences of those  
participating in the activity of the clinic including staff, mothers and fathers. We have,  
therefore, not wanted to provide any  
diversions that might distract from that praying presence. We do not want the clinic staff  
or users to be afraid of us, to wonder what we are doing, or to be provoked by us. That  
is why we have been completely open about our activities and intentions, through my  
letter. We do not want to do anything that would allow others simply to dismiss us. We  
do not know what our praying presence there will mean to them. We offer it in hope. My  
sense is that abortion is too serious for words in a society addicted to words, noise and  
controversy. That is why the particular response we have chosen is silent prayer…  
Thereafter, a certain routine was established. On the first Friday of each month, a few of  
us meet at Wellesley and Parliament streets for a brief prayer. Then we walk down  
Parliament Street to Amelia Street and back, praying silently, for an hourit is not our  
practice to carry or read from bibles, clasp our hands, dangle rosaries, or “posture”. We  
do not stop in front of the clinic, walk together on the sidewalk, carry any pickets or  
signs, or accost women going into the clinic. …  
Beginning on July 2, 1993, we have brought with us an icon which has been blessed,  
depicting the Virgin Mary and Jesus…. Our presence is now much more clearly a  
religious one, precisely because what is transmitted is an image and not anything  
discursive. …  
I do not consider our praying presence to be “demonstration” as that term is customarily  
understood.  
[281] In a letter to the editor of the Leslieville Community News in August, 1989, under the  
title “Abortion—The Hidden Trauma”, Ubertino wrote:  
My credentials for writing this? I’m not sure. I’ve never had an abortion, but I know  
people who have. If that disqualifies me from speaking about, then stop reading now. I  
am 33, married with two children. I live in Riverdale Coop in the South Riverdale  
neighbourhood. I work at a drop-in in a local housing project where we run across many  
teenagers and women who are pregnant in highly vulnerable situations. I just had a  
miscarriageI was 5 months pregnant and the baby died. It was a boy. We named him  
Alexis, had a funeral service for him and he’s now buried in a cemetery in Thornhill.  
I think some very difficult things must be saidnot to polarize but to get at the reality of  
what we’re talking about. Silence is complicity.  
One must begin by saying clearly what abortion is. Let us be clear. The word itself  
means the end of something. In this case, someone. Someone who had a beginning,  
someone who could be scared, someone whose hands, arms, legs were just as joined  
to his/her body as yours and mine.  
I just saw a movie which shows an ultrasound of a 12 week old baby before and during  
an abortion. Before, you see the child moving normally, peacefully. As the instruments of  
the abortion are introduced into the amniotic sac, the child’s movements become wild,  
the heart beat speeds up incredibly and he/she tries to move away from them. The  
aspirator then starts to literally dismember him/her piece by piece, limb by limb. Arm  
pulled from torso, etc. The head is too big to go through the tube, so must be crushed by  
forceps. The child has died an agonizing deathraw, raw pain with no categories in the  
mind to understand what is happening. The womb has become a tomb. The child has  
become the smallest of the homeless in our midst. Violenceon all levelshas been  
done to the woman. …  
[282] In another publication entitled “ABORTION—the solution to poverty?”, she describes  
her decision to walk up and down the block in front of the clinic praying and extended the  
following invitation:  
…I thought of changing doctors. Too distressing to be physically that close to an  
abortion clinic. No, I thought, I’ll try to be a persistent presence of something else. I’ll  
write the clinic staff letters. Which I did. (No response). I dropped the letters off every  
month when I went for my visits.  
I got a letter back from them: “We understand that you are interested in dialogue, but we  
don’t think that would be fruitful”. Door slammed shut. You’re not getting rid of me that  
easily, I thought. And so, the idea was borne to go the first Friday of every month for an  
hour and walk up and down the block in front of the Clinic praying. No Rescues or  
slogans. …  
So, we’ll keep walking up and down the block. Praying that in our own minute ways, we  
can contribute to a society where children are welcomed and women know the dignity  
which is theirs in childbearing. Please join us. (First Friday of each month, 10-11 a.m.  
Parliament between Wellesley and Amelia.)  
[283] Hancock’s entry to the Choice in Health security log for June 4, 1993, concerning  
Ubertino reads:  
At approximately 10:40 a.m. today, I was returning to the office walking west on  
Wellesley street. As I got closer to Parliament street, a woman caught my eye. She was  
fifty-ish, walking with her head bowed, very slowly (“meditatively”?) As I rounded the  
corner, I could see two other women walking in the same manner south on Parliament  
towards the Clinic. They paused for a few moments on the sidewalk outside the front  
door of the building, heads bowed, and then circled back up towards Wellesley. As it is  
the “first Friday of the month”, I assume that they are the regular people who come to  
pray. There are other references to them in the security log. I have heard people  
mention in other months that they have been outside but this was the first time I had  
seen them. They did not seem to be handing out leaflets. At other times, they have  
handed out leaflets which are also in the log.  
[284] Ubertino describes her purpose in walking back and forth in these terms (at p. 70):  
My purpose is not to change people’s minds and bringing new ideas. My purpose is to  
be there and to hopewe hope to be a presence of God there, so that what is going on  
there is exposed, but gently. That would be our hope for one of the results, but the  
results are not in our hands.  
[285] She acknowledges that her religion does not require prayer at this spot. Rather, it is a  
matter of conscience. She also acknowledges that the “Stations of the Cross” is not a custom,  
practice or prayer of her church. Indeed, she has not uttered this prayer or honoured the ritual  
in any church. She and her friends have not walked back and forth on this block at the same  
time there has been picketing in front of the clinic. When asked what she and her friends  
would do if picketers came while they were present, she states there is a good chance they  
leave. When asked whether she would continue her activities should she attract a “mass  
prayer presence”, she states she would not because “it is the smallness of it” that marks what  
she and her friends engage in. The icon she and her friends carry is 12 inches by 18 inches in  
dimension and is intended to communicate the presence of God in Eastern Catholic  
churches. Explaining why this particular location is where she prays and why she does not  
pray about abortion elsewhere, she states (at p. 188):  
Q. Then why can’t you do it across the street? Can’t you do it across the street?…  
A. Because if there is killing going on, or dying going on in a specific place, then there  
needs to be another presence there. That’s why we’re there.  
(c) Other protest activity at Choice in Health  
[286] Protestors emanating from Aid to Women regularly hand out pamphlets to patients and  
passers-by when they picket at the clinic. In this pamphlet, “post-abortion syndrome” is  
described as “becoming a serious women’s decease” with symptoms that include “shock,  
guilt, loneliness, lack of confidence, dislike for sex, shame and self-hatred and severe  
depression”. The pamphlet states that this can result in, among other things, “nightmares,  
sleeplessness, marital breakdown”. The pamphlet also states:  
Abortion can harm your body, too, not just your feelings. Abortion suddenly ends a  
natural process and can make it difficult for you to conceive another baby. It can cause  
problems with bleeding, infection and miscarriage of your next child.  
We’re not wanting to frighten you—just tell you the facts that you won’t get at the  
hospital or abortion agency. Can you risk these things happening to you?  
[287] On July 20, 1993, a patient of another doctor in the medical centre was mistakenly  
identified as a clinic patient and followed into the building by one of the protestors. The  
protestor kept talking to this woman even after being denied permission to do so and the  
protestor put her hand on the patient’s arm in a “pseudo-friendly” manner. The patient was  
made to feel angry, harassed and to feel as if her privacy had been violated. Counsel submit  
that while Choice in Health is presently only sporadically picketed, all of the picketing and  
protesting will take place at this clinic in the future if it is the only clinic location not subject to  
an injunction.  
(xii) Cabbagetown Clinic  
[288] Barbara MacFarlane (“MacFarlane”) is a registered nurse who began working at the  
Cabbagetown Clinic in 1989. Aid to Women occupies the second and third floors of 300  
Gerrard Street East and is immediately beside the clinic. In her affidavit, MacFarlane  
describes the picketing that “besieged” the clinic upon its opening in September, 1989  
through to the end of 1990. There have, however, been several large demonstrations since  
that time. For example, in March, 1992, a demonstration of 30 to 40 people was held outside  
the clinic. A recent demonstration occurred in March, 1993, when approximately 20  
adolescents circled the sidewalk outside the clinic carrying signs.  
[289] In addition to the large-scale demonstrations held outside the clinic several times each  
year since 1992, anti-abortion activists now engage in regular picketing activity which  
transpires almost daily. The picketers and their signs generally issue from Aid to Women  
located next door. Most of this picketing in the past two years has involved two, three or four  
picketers or “sidewalk counsellors”. They stand or walk slowly on the public sidewalk holding  
signs and handing out pamphlets. The wording on the signs has been previously described.  
MacFarlane, in her affidavit, states that she is often confronted by picketers who shout and  
scream various obscenities and derogatory comments at her when she is entering the clinic.  
Picketers have called her a “baby killer” and have accused her of “murdering children”.  
[290] The picketers can be noisy, chanting and yelling at clinic staff, patients, and passers-  
by. All of the clinics have experienced incidents of vandalism. For example, the Cabbagetown  
Clinic has had its video surveillance camera vandalized. Its front and back gates have been  
glued and locked and graffiti has been sprayed on the exterior clinic walls at both the front  
and back of the property. The picketers can be noisy, chanting and yelling at clinic staff,  
patients, and passers-by. This can be heard inside the clinic.  
[291] Rene Papin is an insurance agent with Manulife Financial who services the staff at  
Cabbagetown Clinic. He visits the clinic anywhere from two to four times per month to  
manage this contract. He regularly encounters picketers. He states there are usually two or  
three picketers present at a time “but they create such a disturbance that in my opinion, it  
seems as if there are ten people present”. He goes on to state in this affidavit:  
I have observed that when the picketers see me going towards the Clinic, they appear to  
time themselves so that they walk in front of the gateway to the Clinic just as I try to  
pass. The effect is that I am forced to stop and wait until they pass before I am able to  
enter.  
The picketers have said to me: “do you know that they are killing black babies in there?”.  
This comment angers me very much because I am black. In my opinion, the picketers  
have attempted to use my race to make me feel guilty about abortion. I feel personally  
harassed by these comments.  
Anytime that I am leaving or entering the Clinic and a woman is present, the picketers  
will make comments. I have heard the picketers say to women:  
“You’re murdering your baby,” or “Talk to us, we will give you other choices”. I have  
observed that sometimes when there are two or three picketers present, they almost  
corner the woman passing by and block her path. Often, women will have to move to the  
side to get around the picketers.  
[292] In his cross-examination, Papin testifies (Qq. 162-5):  
Q. You have never seen any picketer grab anybody?  
A. No. You know, they have a very interesting technique of being able to make an  
individual feel entrapped without actually physically holding them. You know, it’s usually  
one in front or two in front and one behind. It’s enclosing. They try to enclose  
themselves around the person without actually physically touching them.  
Q. Have you overheard any of the conversations between the picketers and the women?  
This one you couldn’t hear what was being said, you have told me that?  
A. Yes, it’s usually conversation about we have choices, why don’t you come next door,  
there is other choices that you can make, we’ll help you, that type of thing. Do you know  
the risks.  
Q. That type of thing?  
A. Yes.  
Q. That’s the usual phrases that you over-hear?  
A. That’s right. Now, that is very nice, but it only—if somebody then passes them by  
that’s when the yelling starts. You know, you’re killing your baby. It’s as though the  
pendulum just swung 180 degrees; all of a sudden, you went from being a person they  
were really interested in, to someone they are going to make feel guilty about the activity  
they have decided to embark on.  
[293] At Qq. 178 to 85, Papin gives the following answers:  
Q. You don’t like the activity they’re engaged in?  
A. They have a right to believe in their rights.  
Q. Wasn’t what I asked you. You don’t like what they do?  
A. I don’t like what they do?  
Q. You don’t have any sympathy for what they do?  
A. I wouldn’t say I don’t have any sympathy. I don’t believe in their—let’s see, I believe  
that they have a right to express their feelings through picketing. I don’t believe they  
have a right to over-zealously engage individuals who want to enter the clinic.  
Q. Put it this way: are you comfortable with the activities of some of the picketers? Some  
of them you have described to me as being a quiet presence?  
A. Oh, yes. They are there, they are quiet, they don’t do anything. These aren’t the  
individuals that bother you. I mean, it’s the one that goes overboard and he wants to go  
down your throat.  
Q. The one particular vocal gentleman?  
A. Could be one guy. I have seen a couple of women do it. I mean, there is a level of  
protest that one can tolerate in a society and they have gone, as far as I’m concerned—  
there is a few of them, and it’s always a tyranny of the minority, but a few of them that  
have gone beyond that.  
Q. I take it that there are occasions where you are able to get into the building “without  
being hassled” by picketers?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Some of those are because no picketers are there and other occasions, it’s because  
the quiet brand of picketers that are there?  
A. That’s right.  
[294] MacFarlane emphasizes that abortion is a surgical procedure requiring a great deal of  
concentration. Both doctor and patient must be calm and relaxed during the procedure.  
Patients who have been harassed by the picketers are more nervous and appear more  
apprehensive about the procedure than those who have not. In 1992, several patients were  
upset by picketers, including times when patients mistakenly entered Aid to Women thinking it  
was the abortion clinic. On these latter occasions, the women were not advised of their  
mistake. Rather they were shown a film about the development of a six-week old foetus which  
they found upsetting. In January, 1992, a patient fainted outside the clinic in the midst of  
picketers and had to be carried into the clinic. The patient was diagnosed as having an  
ectopic pregnancy. An ambulance was called and the woman was taken to the hospital.  
[295] Marjorie Gardiner describes accompanying a friend to her scheduled appointment at  
the Cabbagetown Clinic and how the two of them had mistakenly entered Aid to Women.  
They had been hurrying as a result of picketing outside the clinic. Once inside Aid to Women,  
picketers closed in behind them and they had a difficult time departing.  
[296] A woman from Kitchener, Ontario describes her experience when accompanying her  
19-year-old daughter to the Cabbagetown Clinic on January 6, 7 and 8, 1993. Her daughter  
had previously discovered that serious complications existed in her pregnancy and on  
January 6, 1993, an ultrasound confirmed the absence of a foetal heartbeat. As a result, her  
daughter decided to terminate the pregnancy. On the morning of January 7, 1993, the two of  
them made their second trip from Kitchener to Toronto so that the daughter could have  
laminaria tents inserted to commence the abortion procedure. “Laminaria” refers to a tent of  
seaweed which is inserted inside the uterus of the patient. Once inserted, these tents cause  
the uterus to dilate, facilitating the abortion procedure. The laminaria procedure is reserved  
for those patients who require abortions beyond 12 weeks’ gestation. Once initiated, the  
laminaria procedure must be completed or there is a risk that the patient may abort on her  
own. Laminaria tents must be inserted on one or two consecutive days prior to the abortion. It  
is therefore necessary for the laminaria patient to make two or three trips to the clinic before  
the procedure is completed. Picketers attempt to dissuade patients who have already had  
laminaria inserted from returning to the clinic by directing them to a doctor who will remove  
the tent. Cabbagetown Clinic is the only clinic in Canada where later term abortions (up to  
20 weeks of gestation) are performed.  
[297] When the patient from Kitchener and her mother approached the clinic on January 7,  
1993, a picketer closed the gate entrance to the clinic. He then pulled out what appeared to  
be a plastic replica of a foetus and stated, “don’t go in there—you’re killing babies”, and “what  
are you going in there for?”. The patient’s mother describes the experience on their return to  
the clinic on January 8, 1993, in these terms:  
Again, there appeared to be no picketers outside the clinic when I dropped off my  
daughter just before 9:00 a.m. However, after I had parked my car and approached the  
clinic a few minutes after 9:00 a.m., I again encountered picketing. I became extremely  
angry in response to the picketers’ comments that we were “killing babies”. I ended up in  
a very loud argument about abortion with one of the picketers. When I entered the clinic,  
I was still very angry. I marched to the back of the clinic and insisted that the clinic staff  
do something to the effect that we should have to put up with such treatment by  
absolute strangers.  
As a parent, it was a heartache for me to watch my daughter go through the emotional  
and physical pain of the complications of her pregnancy and the difficult decision she  
chose to make to have an abortion. The presence and comments made by the picketers  
made me feel very degraded. I could imagine how these comments would upset my  
daughter. Abortion is a legal procedure yet picketers are permitted to make it appear to  
still be a back alley affair. In my opinion, these picketers were absolute strangers to my  
daughter’s circumstances who had no right to harass or attempt to interfere with her  
decision in any respect.  
[298] Her daughter also filed an affidavit in these proceedings describing how the picketers  
shoved a pamphlet at her and told her that she was being “unholy” and that “God would  
condemn [her]”. On her return to the clinic, the picketers screamed at her “how could you do  
that? You killed a child”. She describes her reaction to such comments in these terms:  
These comments hurt me very much. I was feeling very vulnerable and the things that  
the picketers were saying to me began to make me feel very bad. None of these  
picketers knew me or my circumstances, yet they were publicly humiliating me by their  
comments. In my opinion, abortion is a legal procedure and those who seek to have an  
abortion should not have to suffer the abuse of picketers. My decision is only my  
concern and I am the only person who has to live with it.  
[299] While the defendant picketers deny screaming at patients, they also deny that having  
an abortion is a “private matter”. With respect to this latter point, the defendant Gross at pp.  
166-7 of her cross-examination states:  
Q. It’s a private decision for the woman?  
A. To have an abortion is private decision?  
Q. Yes. For the woman. Do you agree with that?  
A. I believe having your child killed is not a private decision anyone can make.  
Q. You just said it’s her decision, now you’re saying it’s not?  
A. I am saying if she makes the decision to carry the child to term or to go in and have  
her child ripped out of her womb, that is a decision she has made.  
Q. All right. And do you believe that she has a right to make that decision in private?  
A. I believe nothe killing of children is not a private matter.  
Q. Do you believe…  
A. I believe it’s a public concern.  
Q. Do you believe that a woman has a right to make a private decision to have an  
abortion?  
A. No.  
Q. Do you believe that the doctors have a right to perform abortions?  
A. No.  
Q. Do you believe that the staff have a right to work at an abortion clinic?  
A. No.  
Q. Do you believe that it’s part of your objective to close down the abortion clinic?  
A. I do not believe that’s a goal that we can achieve so I do not believe that.  
Q. Do you hope that it will happen?  
A. I think hoping is something that’s nebulous.  
Q. Aren’t you directing all your efforts to closing the abortion clinic?  
A. Our efforts are to the women and providing and caring, to stop them from being  
exploited by abortion and to provide their needs that should be provided by society.  
Q. Why are you so reluctant to adopt the language of stopping abortion?  
A. Stopping abortion has to be that, being able to actually curtail the total medical  
malpractice of abortion, and I don’t think it’s something that is attainable, not in our  
society, not with the law, removing protection from the unborn, not with doctors  
violating—  
Q. Why are you going out there picketing if that’s not your objective?  
A. I believe women need information that they’re not given in the clinic. I believe  
women…  
Q. I’ll come to that.  
A. … would be able to make an informed consent if they had the information and that  
women deserve help, material practical help.  
Q. And the kind of information you want to deliver is that abortion kills their babies.  
A. Abortion is a medical taking of a human life.  
[300] Further along in her examination, Gross has the following to say about the purposes of  
the picketing (at pp. 227-8):  
Q. And you, with your delivery of unwanted information, may not stop a woman from  
going in but it may stop some women from going in. Let’s leave that aside. Do you view  
one of the objectives of the signs to convey a message to the public?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Is one of those messages, and I’m saying one of them because you can give us all  
the rest of them if you wish, to tell the public that this is where an abortion clinic is  
located?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Is another objective to tell the public that the women that are going into the clinic that  
you see they are going in to have an abortion?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Is another objective to deliver a message to the public that the women who are going  
in there are going in to have an abortion and we hope that our presence here will  
dissuade them from going in there?  
A. No, the objective is that they will see us there as people that are care providers for  
these women.  
Q. OK. And is another objective of having the sign there so that the woman patient  
knows and the public knows that she is going into the abortion clinic and therefore she  
will, by that, reconsider her decision?  
A. Yah, having to do something that she knows is wrong when there is a public there  
watching, yes, it can have an influence on her.  
Q. And do I take it then, Mrs. Gross, that that’s what you mean by witnessing? The  
bringing of the public attention both to the fact of the clinic and to the knowledge of the  
woman going in that the public is watching her? Is that part of witnessing? Your term  
witnessing?  
A. My idea of witnessing is that people are seeing other people who care a lot of about  
the violation of women in abortion. They are not only ready to take their time, but ready  
to offer practical help.  
[301] However, typical of the reaction of patients and their friends to such “practical help” is  
the reaction of Marjorie Gardiner who, as previously described, was assisting her friend to the  
clinic and mistakenly went into Aid to Women. In describing her feeling of vulnerability, she  
states at pp. 63-5 of her examination:  
Q. I suggest that if you had a feeling the picketer was ushering you into the stairway,  
you are astute enough that something would have clicked right away that this can’t be  
the right place because these people don’t want me to go into the clinic and therefore, if  
they’re ushering me up the stairway…  
A. I’m astute but I’m also human.  
Q. I recognize that.  
A. There were two of us vulnerable at this time. This is a very  
Q. And you were turning away from these people?  
A. If these people want to counsel us, you don’t hit people when they’re vulnerable after  
they have made a decision.  
Q. Who was using the word “counselling”? I have never used that word. Have they used  
that word with you?  
A. If somebody wants to talk to you about a personal problem, it’s generally called  
counselling.  
Q. The point being that you went up the stairway, nobody was ushering you or forcing  
you into the stairway?  
A. No, we were very well enabled.  
Q. You freely chose to go up there because you thought that was the place you wanted  
to go?  
A. We chose and were very well enabled.  
Q. When you say in paragraph 7 that you felt you had been trapped and strategically  
coerced, you weren’t physically coerced in any way by them?  
A. No, but the effect of their words, the effect of fearing confrontation.  
Q. OK.  
A. People—again, two people knew about my Mend’s situation. Who the hell were these  
complete strangers to confront us on the street and talk about a pregnancy nobody  
knew about? How dare they? How dare they?  
Q. When you came out of the clinic again, they spoke to you, correct, the picketers?  
A. There were words.  
And again you shut them out of your mind; is that fair?  
A. Yes.  
Q. And did your friend do the same thing?  
A. Obviously, we were not in the same place or in the same space emotionally.  
[302] “KR” is another person who describes her experience with the picketers in August,  
1993, in similar terms. Her affidavit reads in part:  
We were driving in an unfamiliar area of Toronto looking for the clinic. From the window  
of the car, I was a passenger and I observed a number of billboards attached to a  
building stating: “Need an abortion?” “We can help you”. Smaller signs were also  
attached to the building which quoted wording from the Bible.  
I further observed a small group of women with placards walking on the street at the  
area where I was to attend for my abortion. My heart sank as my apprehension in  
attending at the clinic grew. A great fear crossed my mind with thoughts of how to  
conduct myself. I was nervous and became nauseous over the thought of the next few  
steps I would have to make past the group of women blocking the entrance to the  
clinic. …  
On the day I attended for my abortion, I had not a political but deeply personal agenda  
to complete. As I walked near the clinic, three women approached my friends and I. The  
presence of these protestors and their closeness to my person was threatening. As a  
result of this aggressive movement by these protestors towards us, I and my two friends  
linked arms. I asked my friends to “not make eye contact with these people and not to  
say a word to these persons”. I did not want these women intruding into my space nor  
into my thoughts. …  
The protestors were persistent in attempting to block our path to the Clinic. As we  
walked toward the clinic, the protestors repeatedly yelled statements such as: “Your little  
baby’s heart is beating. If you’d only listen… you’re killing your baby. We can help you.  
Come with us”.  
One protestor in particular remains in my mind. Dark curly hair, a wandering eye, fleshy  
lips, a bright blue dress, a dark blue cardigan, white socks at the ankle, brown shoes.  
This protestor persisted in trying to give me a pamphlet. She followed me along the  
street and when I passed by the iron fence and entered the iron gate to the clinic, she  
followed me back along the fence walkway and as I walked up the stairs to the clinic,  
she then reached her arms up through the railing and grasped at my dress pleading with  
me not to go into the clinic. My eyes filled with tears of frustration and anger as I  
wondered who on earth this person was and why she was allowed to touch me and  
harass me the way in which she did. I had no protection from these people.  
[303] Soula Dimitry (“Dimitry”) is a medical co-ordinator at Youth Clinical Services, in the City  
of North York. Youth Clinical Services has been in operation for more than 20 years and  
provides health services to approximately 3,000 young people aged 13 to 26 in the  
“Jane/Finch corridor” of North York. It is funded by two Ontario ministries. The organization  
provides services in relation to sexually transmitted diseases and birth-control services  
including pregnancy diagnosis and abortion counselling. Many of the clients are first  
generation Canadians and immigrants. The area in which the clinic is located has a high  
percentage of people new to Canada, including refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, Ethiopia,  
Somalia and Latin America. Dimitry states that many of the clinic’s clients are young women  
who are experiencing unplanned pregnancies and place a very high value on confidentiality.  
[304] Approximately 25% of the pregnant women Dimitry counsels express the intention to  
continue their pregnancy. Thus, the majority of the pregnant women she sees choose to  
terminate their pregnancies. Dimitry explains to these people the differences between having  
an abortion in a hospital and having it at a clinic. For example, it is difficult to get an  
appointment quickly at a hospital. All arrangements for a hospital abortion must be made  
through a doctor who requires an initial office visit. If it takes a week to obtain an appointment  
with a doctor, women who are between 8 and 12 weeks pregnant will find themselves at the  
deadline for a first trimester abortion. She also explains that the clinic procedure takes about  
two and one-half to three hours while a hospital abortion will take the better part of a day. She  
explains to clients that hospitals tend to use general anaesthetics whereas her clients usually  
prefer a local anaesthetic so they feel “more in control”. However, she must also explain that  
should a clinic be chosen, her clients might face protestors. Thus, it is part of the counselling  
routine to suggest ways to deal with protestors. These include bringing someone along so  
that the patient does not face protestors alone and using a portable audio-cassette player with  
ear phones and with the volume turned up to avoid hearing the protestors.  
[305] There are certain segments of Dimitry’s clientele for whom an abortion at a clinic is the  
only choice. For example, hospitals usually require parental authorization before they will  
perform an abortion on a patient under 16 years of age. Parental authorization is not required  
in a clinic setting. Therefore, for young women who decline to seek parental authorization, an  
abortion at a clinic is the only option.  
[306] Approximately 20% of the clients who choose to terminate their pregnancies are  
already more than 12 weeks pregnant. This restricts the choices of this group because they  
have entered the second trimester of their pregnancy and only 5 of the 12 doctors on her list  
of hospital-based abortion providers provide second trimester abortions. In contrast, all the  
clinics operating in Metropolitan Toronto will perform the procedure up to 14 weeks and the  
Cabbagetown Clinic will perform abortions up to 20 weeks gestation. Therefore, second  
trimester abortions are significantly more accessible at clinics than at hospitals.  
[307] Those of Dimitry’s clients who want an abortion in a clinic setting because of their  
perceived greater need for privacy are the ones most frightened by the presence of  
protestors. They fear their privacy will be destroyed. In particular, they worry that protestors  
will attract the media and that their picture will be in the newspapers or they will see  
themselves on television. They are also frightened that some of the protestors will determine  
their names and harass them at home. Since May, 1993, she has been made aware of three  
clients who were more than 12 weeks pregnant and who separately made their way to the  
downtown clinics but missed their appointments because they were frightened by the  
presence of protestors. The appointments had to be rescheduled.  
[308] In Dimitry’s experience, by the time a woman has scheduled an appointment for an  
abortion procedure, she has made a firm decision to terminate her pregnancy. None of her  
clients have changed their minds because of the protestors. They have merely changed their  
appointments.  
[309] The defendants, however, filed several affidavits of women who claim they were  
helped by the information provided by picketers outside of abortion clinics. For example, L.D.  
states:  
On the morning of August 23, 1993, I was given a ride to the clinic by a friend. We  
arrived about fifteen minutes early. While we were parking, a woman came over to the  
car and said “Good-morning”. She handed me a pamphlet about abortion.  
She asked me “How far are you?” and I told her “four months”. She showed me a plastic  
model of a fetus and explained to me that the baby inside me was the same size. She  
suggested that I read the pamphlet and that if I wanted to talk about my situation or  
needed counselling, I would be welcome to come upstairs to the Way Inn to get more  
information. Then she left me with my friend.  
The lady who came to me was polite and pleasant. She did not raise her voice. She did  
not touch me. She did not pressure me.  
In the car I read the pamphlet and talked things over with my friend. After thinking about  
it for a while, I was unsure about whether I wanted an abortion. I accepted the lady’s  
invitation to go to the Way Inn to talk to somebody about my situation. There, I met the  
same lady there who had given the pamphlet to me. I now know her as Linda Gross.  
I explained my situation to her; there was no one to help with the children, I had no  
money, I had no money and no friends to support me. She talked to me and comforted  
me. We talked about how big the baby was. She showed me a video about abortion.  
She told me that she was not pressuring me to have the baby but that she would help  
me. After watching the video, she asked me what I decided and I said that I had decided  
to keep the baby.  
I have found Linda to be understanding, loving and caring person. I am comfortable with  
her. She has helped me to find a doctor near to where I live to help with the pregnancy.  
She baby-sits my children if I have to go out for an appointment. I am glad I met Linda  
that morning as I now have a friend I can turn to for help. I believe it is a good thing that  
Linda is able to do counselling for people like me.  
[310] Another woman, S.D. states:  
The appointment was set for 9:00 a.m. May 21st, 1992 at the Cabbagetown Women’s  
Clinic on Gerrard Street at Parliament in Toronto. My husband, _____________, came  
with me.  
Upon our first arrival, there were no people standing outside the clinic. We went to park.  
After we came back from parking, we walked towards the clinic. A man was standing  
outside. He looked at the two of us and smiled. He asked us if there was anything he  
could do to help. He did not block our way or scream or yell at us. We explained that I  
was two months pregnant. _____________ asked to see pictures of what the baby  
would look like at that stage. The man showed us pictures and I started to cry.  
The man suggested that we take our time and think about it ____________ and I went  
for a walk to talk it over. When we returned the man suggested that we get more  
information upstairs in the Aid to Women office. I was somewhat reluctant, but my  
husband encouraged me to go and hear both sides as we had received no information  
about the operation or the child inside me from the doctor who referred me to the  
abortion clinic.  
I went to the Way Inn, which is next door to the abortion clinic, for more information.  
Here we spoke to the man (who we now know as Tom Brown) we met outside as well  
two women (who we now know as Linda Gross and Mary Burnie). Although I was not  
sure about getting more information initially, I was at no time uncomfortable when  
speaking with the counsellors.  
The initial counselling lasted over three hours. The people offered us their help but did  
not pressure us. When I was presented with information about fetal development for my  
stage of pregnancy, I realized “there was an actual life in there”. During that time I had  
also expressed my concerns about my husband being away on business so much  
leaving me at home with the other two young children. I felt so lost when he was away.  
Since the counselling, he has made an effort to spend more time at home.  
_____________ and I went home and talked about whether I should have the abortion.  
In the end, I decided to keep the baby.  
My youngest daughter, ____________, was born on December 12, 1992. She is now  
crawling and is a very pretty little girl. I shudder to think how different my life would have  
been if not for the people who offered me counselling that day. I am very thankful that  
they were there.  
[311] Finally, another woman states:  
Upon arrival at the Clinic, I saw ladies outside carrying pictures of unborn babies. I  
looked at the pictures and I thought about my own baby. As I was going towards the  
door a lady asked me “Can we help you, you know they only do abortions in there.” I  
started crying. I came over to her. She hugged me. She was very nice to me. We talked  
a short while on the sidewalk. I explained that I had been going in for an abortion. She  
asked if I would like to talk about it for ten minutes. I wanted to talk. She invited me into  
the Way Inn.  
We went upstairs to the Way Inn. The lady made me feel better. She gave me a  
kleenex. We talked about my baby. The lady (who I now know as Judy Johnson) and  
another lady (who I now know as JoAnne) asked me how many months I was along. I  
told them I was 20 weeks. They asked if I knew how the baby looks like and they  
showed me a book about how a baby looks like as it grows inside the mother.  
They also asked me about why I wanted an abortion. I told them about my financial  
problems. I had an apartment of my own but I had no money for rent. There was no food  
in the refrigerator. I was scared. Joanne gave me some money.  
At 4:00 p.m. Judy invited me to go to her house. I accepted. She gave me some milk to  
drink and then cooked dinner for me. Later, she took me shopping and bought groceries  
for me to take home.  
Over the next few months, Judy visited me quite often to see how I was doing and to  
help out if I needed it.  
Aid to Women also helped me by paying my rent and helping to pay for groceries. It also  
helped me with maternity clothes, things for the baby and even curtains for my  
apartment.  
My daughter_____________, was born on April 8, 1993.  
I am grateful to Judy and the others from Aid to Women who helped me through a most  
difficult time in my life. I needed help and got it from these people. I am thankful that I  
now have a beautiful baby girl to care for instead of what would have been just bad  
memories.  
I believe that it is important for the counselling that Judy and the other counsellors of Aid  
to Women do be allowed to continue for other women who find themselves in my  
position.  
[312] Notwithstanding the foregoing, the expert evidence makes it clear that the activities of  
Johnson, Gross and Dieleman do not constitute appropriate “counselling”.  
[313] Professor Margot Breton has filed an affidavit in these proceedings. She is a Professor  
at the Faculty of Social Work of the University of Toronto, and has been teaching social work  
at the University of Toronto for the past 23 years. She specializes in training students at the  
Masters level to be competent and effective counsellors. She is not a member of any pro-  
choice organization. In Professor Breton’s opinion, certain key elements must be present for  
counselling to be beneficial. These include confidentiality; consent; communication by way of  
free and open discussion; a non-judgmental empathetic attitude on the part of the counsellor;  
and accurate information. It is her opinion that the sidewalk activities of the defendants do not  
contain any of these essential ingredients of counselling and that these protestors provide  
none of the assistance the defendants suggest. In her opinion, “sidewalk counselling” is not a  
form of counselling and is not helpful.  
[314] Indeed, it is her opinion that the defendants’ sidewalk activities are likely to be  
detrimental. Sidewalk counselling may instill feelings of guilt, lower self-esteem and increase  
anxiety in a woman who is already trying to cope with the crisis of an unwanted pregnancy.  
She points out that a competent counsellor will first establish whether a woman has had the  
opportunity to pause or reflect on her decision. Only if a woman then wanted that opportunity  
would a counsellor help her to explore her options. A sidewalk “counsellor” has no real basis  
upon which to assume that any particular woman has not already confronted her  
ambivalence. By starting with this assumption, the sidewalk counsellor is setting the agenda.  
This is a hallmark of inappropriate counselling. Besides not being helpful, counselling which  
begins with this premise reveals little respect for another person’s thinking and is likely to  
damage self-esteem.  
[315] It is true that legitimate counselling may generate discomfort. However, Professor  
Breton states that in a meaningful counselling relationship, discomfort is “worked through” in  
the sense that the counsellor assists the person in examining the source of her unease and  
helps her to resolve it. The discomfort can then be a tool for reflection. In order to work  
through this process, however, the counsellor must provide a psychologically safe  
environment, a climate not possible during a sidewalk encounter. Simply raising discomfort  
without consent or the ability to “work it through” is irresponsible and may result in heightened  
anxiety and bad decision-making.  
[316] With respect to the defendants’ expert witness, Dr. Vincent Rue, she states:  
In paragraph 59, Dr. Rue states that women should not be overwhelmed by receiving “a  
half a minute of sidewalk counselling”. In my experience, it is inconceivable that thirty  
seconds of counselling on the street could be meaningful. Using Dr. Rue’s logic, if  
nothing harmful can come out of such a short encounter, then nothing good can come  
out of it either. This particular statement calls into question his assertion that these  
sidewalk activities constitute counselling at all.  
[317] In response to the affidavit of Dr. Paul V.C. Adams, Professor Breton states:  
In paragraph 19, Dr. Adams asserts that, “the presence of a small number of persons  
outside an abortion clinic who are ready to provide information may deter some women  
from proceeding with the elective abortion. However, correct information should cause  
little or no increase in anxiety or stress”. This statement contains several deficiencies.  
When individuals carry signs and other visual props, they are not presenting themselves  
as simply “ready to provide information”. In fact, their very presentation communicates a  
great deal, namely that they disagree with a woman’s decision to proceed with an  
abortion. This is active protesting, not counselling. Like Dr. Rue, Dr. Adams uses the  
terms “sidewalk picketer or counsellor” interchangeably as if the two functions are  
identical (paragraph 18). In fact, they are antithetical.  
[318] In response to David Reardon’s testimony, she states:  
The Reardon affidavit contains a section “The Potential Health Benefits of Pro-Life  
Activities”. In paragraph 24 of this section, Mr. Reardon asserts that in some cases,  
pro-life activities “encourage and empower women to stand up for their own moral  
beliefs against abortion …”.  
Most of my academic work, teaching, research, and practical experience has focused on  
the process of empowerment so that people may make their own decisions.  
Empowerment would not occur as a result of sidewalk “counselling”. On the contrary, the  
approach of such “counsellors” would likely erode feelings of a woman’s self-worth,  
because her decision is being judged without her having solicited the counsellors’  
opinion. Even if a woman had been pressured into an unwanted abortion, further  
pressure exerted from a pro-life picketer or counsellor would not empower that person.  
Rather, the imposition of any pre-formed idea (including that ending the pregnancy is  
morally wrong), indicates a lack of respect for the individual’s views.  
[319] In response to the affidavit of Linda Gross, Professor Breton states:  
The Gross affidavit refers to sidewalk counselling as an activity “in which we speak to  
people approaching the clinic about the issue of abortion” (paragraph 18). In paragraph  
25, she also describes counselling taking place “in a very brief period of time. They  
simply walk past us. We suggest that we can help them, provide them with information  
and give them practical assistance about their pregnancy or alternatives to an abortion.  
The conversations are quite short”.  
Counselling does not consist of speaking to people. Rather, it is a process of  
communicating with a person. Even to term these encounters “conversations”, as  
Ms. Gross does, is misleading.  
Linda Gross contends that “We do not attempt to block access to the clinic nor do we  
attempt to harass people”. (paragraph 19). She speaks of communicating “peacefully  
using non-threatening language” (paragraph 24). Her point ignores the fact that  
harassment will be experienced by some women even though the language used is  
extremely “friendly”. Sexual harassment, for instance, can occur without the use of  
threats.  
In her affidavit, Ms. Gross describes signs containing words such as “Abortion Kills  
Babies”.… To express these statements before or during counselling would undoubtedly  
make a woman feel guilty of moral trespass, although Ms. Gross says that such an  
accusation is not intended. No counselling subsequently undertaken by the same  
person or someone associated with that person could be helpful. The message that a  
woman ought to feel guilty, has been registered and cannot be undone just because a  
person switches from picketer to counsellor.  
Furthermore, such phrases do not contain information, but rather opinion. Counselling  
does not begin with an expression of the counsellor’s beliefs.  
[320] Several of the defendants’ own expert witnesses, including Dr. McGovern, Dr. Berry  
and Ms Bev Hadland, acknowledge that “sidewalk counselling” is not counselling.  
[321] Dieleman asserts that in 1992 alone, at least 92 women chose not to abort their  
pregnancies as a result of the help provided by the Aid to Women volunteers, “including the  
picketing and sidewalk counselling”. The defendants’ factum goes on to submit that those  
“ninety-two children continue to be alive today as a result of the picketing and sidewalk  
counselling activity and assistance provided by some of these defendants to those pregnant  
women”. However, 90% of the people who sought the services of Aid to Women found this  
organization through an advertisement in the “Yellow Pages” telephone book. The  
advertisement was listed under “Birth-Control Information Centres” and read: “Aid to Women.  
Confidential services related to pregnancy. Free pregnancy test. No appointment necessary.  
Call any time.” It would appear that most of the 92 babies were babies born to women who  
sought assistance of Aid to Women through the “Yellow Pages”. In spite of this, Aid to  
Women has cancelled this advertisement.  
(xiii) Scott Clinic  
[322] Maria Corsillo is the manager of the Scott Clinic at 157 Gerrard Street East, Toronto,  
Ontario. As noted previously, she is married to Dr. Scott, the medical director of the clinic. In  
her affidavit, she chronicles the difficulties faced by her family upon Dr. Scott assuming the  
head of the Morgentaler Clinic in Toronto in 1985. These difficulties included home picketing,  
harassing telephone calls and name-calling. They had a deleterious affect on the Scott family,  
particularly on their young children. She details as well the difficulties with John McCash.  
[323] The Scott Clinic opened in June, 1986, but picketers appeared rarely until the  
Morgentaler Clinic obtained an injunction. Since then, clinic staff have come to recognize the  
regular picketers. However, most of the picketing described in her affidavit involves incidents  
which happened more than three years ago. Accordingly, they are more in the nature of  
background, assisting to appreciate the significance of more current events. These earlier  
events included the vociferous protesting efforts of Daniel and John McCash; the influence  
and blocking efforts of a Roman Catholic priest, Father Comerford; mass picketing which  
blocked the entrances to the clinic and necessitated the involvement of police; and other  
Operation Rescue activity.  
[324] As previously reviewed, Dr. Morgentaler obtained an injunction in May, 1989. After his  
clinic was bombed on May 18, 1992, he shared the facilities at the Scott Clinic for a period of  
time. When Dr. Morgentaler moved to those premises, the Scott Clinic benefited from his  
injunction. According to Maria Corsillo, the difference was “like night and day”. She states in  
her affidavit:  
Patients came in composed; they were not crying or upset from being berated by  
picketers or having literature shoved in their faces. Clinic staff was able to concentrate  
on patients and the things that concerned them, rather than on the fear and anxiety that  
the picketing creates. An injunction has worked at the Morgentaler Clinic and in my  
opinion, there appears to be no other recourse available to our clinic.  
As soon as the Morgentaler Clinic left in August, 1992, the picketers returned. Joanne  
Dieleman, the Burnie sisters, David MacDonald, Mary  
Roberts, have all come back to the Scott Clinic. The picketing is very unpredictable.  
The picketing is distressing both for patients and for staff. After having the luxury of  
operating a peaceful clinic, it now means that we must once again prepare our patients  
for picketers when we book their appointments. We advise the patients that there is one  
clinic in Toronto that does not have picketers because it has an injunction, and we offer  
the patient the option of going there.  
We never know when the picketers will arrive so we must still prepare each and every  
patient. One minute there is no one outside and then suddenly there are two, three, or  
four people, picketing outside the clinic and our whole staff has to be reorganized.  
[325] The picketers stand or walk slowly on the public sidewalk in front of the clinic. They  
hold signs, distribute pamphlets and speak to passers-by or individuals entering the clinic.  
Over the last two or three years, patients and clinic staff have not been physically prevented  
from obtaining access to the clinic by the conduct of any picketer.  
[326] Since April, 1993, McCash Jr., the defendant who had intimidated Ms Corsillo’s family  
in the past, has picketed at the Scott Clinic approximately 15 times. Corsillo states that he  
habitually sits on his bicycle for protracted periods holding on to a clinic post and staring into  
the clinic’s front window. A picture of McCash Jr. was entered into evidence in this regard.  
She states that his presence is both intimidating and harassing and that patients and staff find  
him terrifying. McCash Jr., according to Corsillo, does not hesitate to follow patients up to the  
front door of the clinic screaming obscene and vicious statements. He denies uttering  
obscenities.  
[327] Sheila Jimenez (“Jimenez”) is employed as a secretary at the Scott Clinic. She  
confirms that McCash Jr. screams “murder” and constantly tries to speak to Maria Corsillo at  
the window. He screams her name and repeatedly yells “Murderer, Killer”. To the patients  
entering the clinic, he screams “don’t kill your baby; it’s a bloody murderer in there”. On days  
when he is present at the clinic for long periods, Jimenez leaves at the end of the day feeling  
very upset and worried she might be followed. When McCash Jr. arrives, the clinic must close  
its windows to prevent his voice from permeating the office. Patients become very  
uncomfortable when they hear his voice. When Jimenez is on the telephone speaking to a  
patient, McCash Jr. can often be heard in the background, screaming out things like  
“murderer, killer”. She then must explain the screaming to the caller and that the clinic is  
subjected to picketing by persons opposed to abortion.  
[328] Jimenez states that when she is scheduling appointments the first thing patients ask  
her is whether the clinic “has picketers” The patients, she states, are fearful of these people.  
When picketers are present, patients sometimes call from pay telephones and tell her that  
they are too frightened to enter the clinic alone. She then has to go out and escort them to the  
clinic. Similarly, when a patient is ready to leave the clinic and picketers are present, patients  
are frequently too apprehensive to leave on their own. She states that patients are usually  
followed when they leave the clinic, resulting in a need to be secretive. Patients therefore  
regularly leave by the back door. When a taxi is called for the patient and the patient is  
escorted to the car, picketers will often impede passage to the car and say such things to the  
taxi driver as, “Why are you picking up a woman who has just killed her baby?”  
[329] Jimenez states that in 1993, it was common for picketers to ascend the stairs of the  
clinic as a patient entered the building telling her “she is a mother; she has something living  
inside of her; and why is she killing her baby?” While saying these things to the patient, the  
protestors shove a plastic foetus at her and try to hand her pamphlets saying “ ‘we can help  
you; you shouldn’t be doing this’; and that they are going to die as Dr. Scott uses a coat  
hanger”.  
[330] In contrast, under the heading “Counselling” in her affidavit, Joanne Dieleman states:  
From talking to many many women, I do not believe that abortion clinics provide any  
counselling to women about the decision to have an abortion prior to scheduling an  
appointment. Many of these women are being pressured by family members, boyfriends,  
other individuals or by their circumstances into having an abortion which is something  
they do not want to do. They are often single women, often very young and very  
vulnerable. They feel they have no option but to undergo this procedure. We are there to  
try to provide help to them.  
Many of the women do not respond to our offers for help. We do not try to pressure  
anyone. We do not try to harass anyone or force our views on them.  
During sidewalk counselling, we usually have 10 to 20 seconds in which to speak to a  
woman entering an abortion clinic. These 10 to 20 seconds are when they are walking  
by us. During those 10 to 20 seconds, we try to communicate to them that we are here  
in case they need help.  
If a woman tells me that she does not want to speak to me, yells at me or asks me to get  
out of the way, I know that they do not want to listen. I get out of the way and I am quiet.  
If they respond that they do want to speak to me, then I try to talk to them. During the  
time that I or other people from Aid to Women are attempting to provide sidewalk  
counselling in front of a  
clinic, 20 women will go by in a day to enter the clinic. Perhaps as few as one or two a  
week indicate that they want to talk to us.  
If we are rejected by any of these women entering the clinic, we do not harass them or  
follow them. We never attempt to physically interfere with their access to the clinic. We  
do not shove literature into their face nor try to offend them. We recognize that these  
women are in difficulty.  
During the few seconds I have to speak to a woman entering an abortion clinic, I usually  
say something like “Is there anything I can help you with?” or “is there anything I can do  
to help you?” If they respond, then I talk to them. I offer practical help, offer to talk  
through their decision and agree to provide them with information about their pregnancy,  
the development of the baby growing within them, practical alternatives and assistance  
that is available. Many times women want to talk about their situation and what it is that  
is leading them to have an abortion. I offer to go for coffee with them.  
[331] In para. 7 of her affidavit, she states:  
I also believe that it is important to love and care for young mothers and young women  
who are pregnant and are in an extremely vulnerable situation which has caused them  
to consider having an abortion. My commitment to Christ teaches me to have a  
commitment to society and an awareness to and responsibility to help and care for  
others including young pregnant women who are in a vulnerable and needy situation.  
The work that I do through Aid to Women Crisis Pregnancy Centre is a reflection of my  
commitment to helping young women.  
[332] This testimony, however, is at odds with the previously reviewed pamphlet Dieleman  
composed on sidewalk counselling. She has been convicted of obstructing a police officer.  
She breached the injunction at the Morgentaler Clinic approximately 12 times. Not only has  
she committed illegal acts in the past, Dieleman has not ruled out doing so again in the future.  
She believes that the word of God takes precedence over an order of a judge. With respect to  
her alleged participation in the earlier described T.R.U.T.H. occupation of the Choice in  
Health Clinic, Dieleman claims she was only an observer. She says she was invited to a  
demonstration and “doesn’t think” she knew that there was going to be illegal conduct taking  
place. However, the defendant D’Costa, who organized the occupation, states that Dieleman  
was present as a sidewalk counsellor and that her job was to intercept patients as they were  
either entering or leaving the clinic.  
[333] Operation Rescue activity or one to three picketers in front of a clinic can produce  
harmful anxiety in staff and patients alike. In this respect, Corsillo states (pp. 19-20, vol. 46,  
Tab 6):  
Q. It also refers to the single picketer or the two or three picketers who are there now;  
correct?  
A. I suppose that for me and for my staff and for our patients, we have been at our clinic  
for eight years; when you describe a single picketer with a picket sign, it means to you a  
different thing than it means to me.  
Q. Forget what it means to me.  
A. What it means to me is someone who has been in front of our clinic for perhaps eight  
years, who had felt free to attack verbally my children and myself who may be one lone  
woman outside but who feels free every time either I or someone else opens the door to  
scream “Maria, you’ll go to Hell, change your ways”, repeatedly, morning, noon and  
night for however lone they are out there; who feels free if they meet either myself or  
one of my children, together with one parent or the other, to express loudly and in  
embarrassing and frightening ways what they feel about abortion.  
So someone who feels every day their job is to tell either me or one of our staff or one of  
our children what evil people we are and how we are not worthy, as they are, for the  
simple reason that we believe that a woman should have a choice about her pregnancy.  
So, yes, I have a different view of those people than you do.  
[334] Further, in her examination (pp. 25-6, vol. 46, Tab 6):  
Q. Whether it’s one or whether it’s ten or whether it’s twenty, it doesn’t make much  
difference to you?  
A. It means that every day if there is one picketer outside, OK, we have to behave in a  
certain way. It means our security is different. Everything about running the clinic is  
different. And so we have to be just as careful if there is one picketer outside or if there  
are ten.  
[335] Similarly, Dr. Morgentaler was examined on this same issue and states (pp. 75-7, vol.  
44, Tab 4):  
Q. Okay. People have been arrested for standing without a sign, standing there quietly  
praying. They’ve been arrested. Even that type of conduct has been prohibited by the  
injunction and has been prohibited by the sheriff enforcing the injunction, correct?  
A. A person who stands praying in front of the clinic, to me this is an aggressive act  
against women coming for services of the clinic because the person tries to prove to the  
women that he is disapproving of their decision of their access to that clinic. …  
If praying is an act of interference with someone else’s decision, or if it’s a sign of  
disapproval of somebody else’s decisions, then it’s not a private act and it’s an  
aggressive act against the women who come to the clinic for an abortion.  
Q. You say in a democracy somebody can’t pray quietly by themself on a public street  
when your injunction is there for the reasons you’ve expressed.  
A. Well, they’re not praying in a public street. They’re praying in front of a clinic. They’re  
trying to show their disapproval, or the condemnation is a stronger and more appropriate  
word, of the conduct of these women who came there. They visit their moral disapproval  
and women do not need that. It increases their anxiety, increases their stress, it  
increases their guilt feelings. I think it’s an aggressive act, yes.  
(f) Adverse effect of doorstep protests  
(i) Physiological risk to life or health  
[336] Many staff members at the Toronto clinics have testified about the adverse effect that  
picketing has on patients. This testimony has been previously reviewed. Generally, it focuses  
on patients being upset and expressing concern about their personal safety and privacy. It  
must be emphasized that first trimester abortions take place on a woman’s first visit to the  
clinic and, thus, there is an immediate temporal relationship between the surgery and the  
protest activity.  
[337] The Attorney-General emphasizes that on many occasions, physicians have had to  
reschedule the procedure as a result of the picketing. It is submitted that the delay in access  
to abortion procedures caused by the rescheduling increases the risk of medical  
complications. In this respect R. v. Morgentaler, supra, is relied upon. The Centre for Disease  
Control in Atlanta, a division of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services also  
estimates that the risk of complications from the procedure doubles with every additional two  
weeks of gestation. Abortion procedures conducted in clinics are carried out under a local  
anaesthetic. Accordingly, the patient is conscious, making her cooperation and relaxation  
crucial to a successful procedure. It is submitted that any increase in the patient’s level of  
anxiety, fear and discomfort significantly increases the danger in an otherwise safe procedure  
and increases the risk to the patient’s life and health.  
[338] There is a known link between stress and anxiety and a patient’s ability to tolerate  
pain. As the patient’s stress levels increase, her need for increased amounts of relaxants,  
pain-killers and local anaesthetic prior to the procedure therefore increases. Higher dosages  
of medication are more dangerous. Relying on the testimony of Dr. Lamont and  
Dr. Morgentaler, the Attorney-General also submits that harmful distress can be inflicted on  
patients by only one or two protestors.  
[339] Dr. John Lamont is a Professor of Obstetrics and Gynaecology at McMaster University  
and the Director of the Sexual Medicine Unit at Henderson General Hospital. Since 1971, he  
has performed abortion procedures and all forms of general surgical procedures in obstetrics  
and gynaecology at both McMaster Medical Centre and the Henderson General Hospital.  
There has been picketing at Henderson General Hospital since 1971. Dr. Lamont was a  
member of the previously discussed Task Group.  
[340] At paras. 28, 29 and 34 of his affidavit, he states:  
Based on my surgical experience, it is my view that there is a correlation between higher  
anxiety and stress levels and the patient’s need for medicine before, during and after  
any surgical procedure. I have had patients who required more medication as a result of  
their contact with picketers. A patient who is anxious or upset can often require higher  
doses of relaxant and pain killer, which is administered intravenously at the outset of the  
procedure. In the case of my patients, I administer Fentanyl, which is meant to relax the  
patient and reduce pain levels.  
During the early stages of the procedure, local anaesthetic is injected in four spots on  
the cervix. I verily believe that a correlation exists between the amount of local  
anaesthetic necessary to overcome the pain in dilating the cervix and the level of  
tension and anxiety being suffered by the patient During the recovery stages of the  
procedure, the patient may be administered pain killers in the form of Tylenol-3 or 292  
tablets, and they may also require anti-nauseants. I verily believe that the increase in  
stress or anxiety suffered by the patient usually translates into an increased need of this  
kind of medication. …  
Increased risk to the patient during the abortion procedure arises where a patient is  
more anxious and fearful. One example of how this risk can be increased is the patient’s  
unpredictable movements. A patient who is anxious is susceptible to sudden  
movements and, due to her inability to control her movements, she runs a higher risk of  
uterine perforation. This perforation can occur either during the usage of the suction  
tube which can potentially injure the bowel or bladder as well as perforate the uterus, or  
as a result of the usage of the curette instrument, which is a sharp metal instrument  
utilized to scrape the interior wall of the uterus. Further, it may increase the risk of  
retained products of conception running a risk of infection and requiring a second  
surgical intervention. A patient’s relaxed state is a significant factor in ensuring a  
successful procedure.  
[341] Dr. Lamont, however, acknowledges that he is an advocate for the availability of  
abortion services in Ontario and is a well-known pro-choice physician. Moreover, his  
experience has been confined to McMaster Medical Centre and the Henderson Hospital. He  
has not worked at a freestanding abortion clinic. He performs abortion procedures at the  
Henderson Hospital on Thursdays although these procedures are offered at the Henderson  
Hospital four days a week.  
[342] It is the practice of the hospital to review with every woman her decision to have an  
abortion. Dr. Lamont testifies that he sees it as his “duty and responsibility” to review all of the  
factors she has considered in making her decision. The patient is first seen by a social worker  
for 30 to 45 minutes. Following this counselling, Dr. Lamont or his staff may recommend that  
the patient delay the procedure and take more time to reflect. He acknowledges that there  
may be a great deal of distress from an unplanned and unwanted pregnancy. Concerns may  
include not having the money to afford a child; not having the money to support an additional  
child; family problems if it was known that the woman was pregnant; and problems with a  
boyfriend or a partner. With respect to patients considering to be at a high psychological risk,  
he states (pp. 44-6):  
Q. On the other hand of the balance, many women are very traumatized by the idea of  
terminating a pregnancy, because of the reality that it is a child or a life developing  
inside, and they know that.  
A. Are you still talking about the pre-abortion counselling?  
Q. Yes.  
A. Well I think in our particular situation, we have a screening technique to try and  
identify the high risk woman.  
Q. High risk, you mean psychological?  
A. Right.  
Q. And what I’m exploring is when you talk about psychological high risk, you are talking  
about women who psychologically might have a very devastating emotional response if  
they did have the abortion.  
A. That’s right. Our concern is to highlight those women, spend extra time with them and  
check out the issues that you have outlined in your previous questions.  
Q. And the reason you do that is that you know that if those women have the abortion,  
frankly, the decision for them would be wrong if they did have the abortion, because of  
the resultant psychological consequences, because of their high risk?  
A. Not necessarily. Their high risk in terms of the social situation, their age, the fact that  
they’ve had abortions before, and we identify them as high risk in order to spend more  
time and make sure this is the right decision for them. It’s not identifying the fact that  
these are the people who are necessarily going to have a high risk adverse  
psychological reaction afterwards.  
Q. The point is, they could.  
A. Certainly.  
Q. The reason you call them high risk is that you recognize by the indicia you have just  
identified, these people could have a serious problem afterwards.  
A. That’s right.  
Q. We better make sure—using my vernacular; we better make sure that it’s appropriate  
for them to have the procedure.  
A. Right.  
Q. And for some of those people you identified, it wouldn’t be appropriate because  
indeed you are concerned they would have significant psychological consequences?  
A. Correct.  
Q. Those people, you’d recommend they not have the procedure?  
A. Correct.  
[343] With respect to delay in undertaking the abortion procedure, Dr. Lamont acknowledges  
that mandatory counselling may itself produce delay. The delay, however, is manageable and  
the benefits outweigh any medical risk. At pp. 47-50, he gives the following evidence:  
Q. Now you’ve said in your affidavit that delay can potentially cause further medical risk.  
A. Correct.  
Q. But in reality that medical risk is much less than the psychological risks you identify in  
recommending that they delay the procedure?  
A. That’s correct.  
Q. And if the delay is not significant, the medical risk is minimum.  
A. That’s correct.  
Q. Especially in a first trimester abortion?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Okay, but nevertheless, you’ve had situations I take it where somebody has come to  
you late first trimester, and you’ve gone through this process of identifying psychological  
risk and you’ve had no difficulty in recommending that that person delay the procedure?  
A. No, the… the issue is, it’s a risk benefit comparison and if the benefits of delaying a  
week or two to try and clarify the issues about the decision making outweighs the  
increased risk of waiting that extra week or two, but in reality there is increased risk in  
waiting.  
Q. But in reality the increased risk is minimal and manageable by a competent  
physician?  
A. Yes, in general terms that’s correct.  
Q. Is it not fair to say that you are not aware of any case where there has been some  
complication at your hospital where a patient has come in, had some qualms, and  
you’ve recommended that she put off the procedure for a few weeks and then they’d  
come back and have the procedure. You’re not aware of any risk or any actual  
complication that’s occurred?  
A. Well there hasn’t been an actual complication at our hospital, but we have had cases  
where the patient has delayed because of the decision makingthe process of decision  
making and we’ve had to send her out of town because she was far enough along that  
we did not offer that particular procedure.  
[344] Dr. Lamont also agrees that the mandatory counselling may itself produce anxiety in  
the “high risk” patient. In this respect, he testifies (p. 135):  
Q. Would you agree with me that for most women this process of the medical people  
causing her to review her decision does not cause her any degree of stress or anxiety?  
A. For most people?  
Q. Yes, for most women.  
A. I would agree with that.  
Q. And I think that you told me last time there is a category of women that it will and the  
reason it will is because they do have some degree of ambivalence or what you’ve  
called psychological risk and for those women,  
causing them to review the decision may cause them some degree of anxiety or  
uncertainty.  
A. Yes, I can agree with that.  
Q. Okay. However, good medical practice suggests to you that it is necessary to review  
the decision with each and every patient, particularly with those ones who may be  
caused some stress by that process.  
A. Okay.  
[345] Dr. Lamont further acknowledges that the majority of patients say nothing about the  
picketers and of those patients who do, the vast majority appear to respond to the hospital’s  
assurances relatively quickly. This leaves those patients in the high risk category who may  
feel ambivalent and anxious for a variety of reasons which may or may not include picketing.  
In this respect, he states (pp. 153-5):  
Q. You’ve said there’s a majority of people that don’t say anything about a picketer?  
A. That’s right.  
Q. Most of the people that say anything about a picketer express annoyance or  
frustration or anger or whatever and they get over it pretty quickly, within a few minutes.  
Is that not the case?  
A. In terms of going back to the issue of counselling and their frustration and anxiety,  
then I would say that they are able to respond to our assurances within a short time in  
order to have the procedure.  
Q. Yes.  
Q. To your knowledge, in your experience of that group, the minority of patients that  
come into the hospital on a day that there’s a group of picketers out there, most of them,  
to your knowledge and experience, if troubled by the picketers, it’s a brief period of  
trouble.  
A. We’re talking just about the Henderson Hospital now?  
Q. Yes, what you see.  
A. I would agree with that.  
Q. And the people or patients for whom it’s not just a momentary frustration or anger  
when they come in the door, those are the people that fall into that category of primarily  
of the higher risk patients who you find that you’re spending time with. Correct?  
A. Yes.  
Q. And you’re spending time with that category of patients even when there are no  
picketers out front and, when people in that category come in and you detect it or your  
counsellors detect it, you are spending time with those patients in any event.  
A. That’s true. I spend more time throughout the whole assessment phase with them.  
Q. Whether there are picketers there or not picketers there, that’s the category?  
A. That’s the high risk group. Right.  
Q. And is it fair to say that in this category there are many people that carry more anxiety  
and stress through the period of time that they spend with you but you can’t attribute it to  
one source as opposed to another, correct?  
A. Well, usually if we’re doing a proper assessment we can identify what makes them a  
high risk patient.  
Q. I know. Okay. What I’m saying is that it seems to me in this large category of causes  
of anxiety and stress in this group, a 5 or 10 second or twenty second interchange with a  
picketer or seeing a picketer’s sign is going to be far down on the list of what’s going to  
cause that person to have continuing stress as they spend several hours with the  
medical profession. Would you not agree with that?  
A. If you’re talking about somebody who has just come in, who just crossed the picket  
line and come to us in distress, I don’t think there’s any trouble identifying what the  
problem is. If you’re talking about the overall assessment of a patient who has requested  
an abortion, I would agree with you.  
[346] On elaborating on an earlier reference to privacy in the context of a high risk patient  
exposed to picketing, Dr. Lamont states (pp. 158-60):  
Q. And if it takes quite a while it’s not because the picketer has done something  
outrageous, it’s because the patient has a very sore point about their decision. Correct?  
A. No. I think it’s because the patient feels badly their privacy has been violated and  
because they’re high risk patients, they’re more susceptible so they have a more severe  
reaction to it.  
Q. Doctor, when you say their privacy has been violated, you mention that in your  
affidavit, but there is no indication that the picketers know the names of these people.  
A. We’ve been through that already.  
Q. There’s no indication, there’s no evidence that the picketers know the name of this  
person walking along the sidewalk. Correct?  
A. That’s what you say.  
Q. And you know nothing to the contrary?  
A. That’s right.  
Q. And when you talk about privacy, what you’re simply talking about is that somebody  
might like to be able to walk down the sidewalk and not hear the words that somebody  
speaks to them, if they find those words different from their own views. That’s it, isn’t it?  
A. That’s privacy.  
[347] Dr. Lamont acknowledges that every woman seeking an abortion must give her  
informed consent to the procedure and that the information provided by the hospital in  
obtaining informed consent can be “pretty frightening”. In this respect, he states (pp. 191-4):  
Q. And informed consent is necessarily going to confront a woman with some stark  
realities, correct?  
A. Occasionally, yes.  
Q. Well, every woman is going to be confronted with the stark reality that this procedure  
you’re about to undergo has known physical complications which, if they occur, are  
pretty serious.  
A. Um-Uhm.  
Q. And pretty frightening. Correct?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Telling them this procedure could result in a perforation of the uterus, could result in  
surgical complications, could result in infection, etcetera., etcetera., that’s going to cause  
everybody some degree of anxiety, some more and some less?  
A. Well, I think I’ve already said it. I think some people are reassured—  
Q. Okay. Okay.  
A. … in that low risk group.  
Q. Okay. But the point is whether they’re reassured or whether there’s anxiety, you do it  
with everybody.  
A. Yes.  
Q. And you recognize that for some category there will be anxiety but it’s necessary.  
A. Yes.  
[348] With respect to Dr. Lamont’s initial assertion of a relationship between picketing,  
increased medication, and increased medical risk, Dr. Lamont also acknowledges that he  
cannot tie picketing directly to increased medication and to any particular risk which has  
actually materialized. There are too many variables. In this respect, he states (pp. 203-4):  
Q. And you can’t attribute any of these, either of these situations, you never experienced  
somebody responding that way who had an interchange with a picketer for 10 seconds  
or 20 seconds or a minute, however long it lasted. You cannot point to a situation where  
somebody spoke to a picketer and then ended up having convulsions?  
A. I mean I can’t draw that line because there are too many variables.  
Q. Yes. But put it this way, you’ve never had a patient go into convulsions I take it?  
A. Not convulsions, no.  
Q. You’ve had one situation where a patient had respiratory…  
A. Arrest.  
Q. And you have no recollection that that patient had an incident with a picketer?  
A. No.  
Q. Okay. So I take it that’s the extent of your experience of those more serious  
complications.  
A. They’re very rare.  
Q. Yes. The point is that although they possibly occur, you’ve never in the 10 years of  
picketing that you’ve experienced, or is it 12 years? How many years, is it? No, 22  
years. In the 22 years you have experienced the picketing, you’ve never seen this type  
of situation result from the presence of picketers?  
A. Well, I don’t know that. I can draw a line from the experience the patient has to this—  
this outcome.  
[349] With respect to increased medication, Dr. Lamont testifies (pp. 207-9):  
Q. In situations where you give a patient 2 micrograms instead of 1.5, you consider  
that’s a safe dosage of medication to give your patients?  
A. Yes.  
Q. You wouldn’t give it to them otherwise?  
A. Right.  
Q. Some of those patients you give it to them, in fact I would suggest most of the  
patients that you give a higher dosage to, it has nothing to do with picketing.  
A. I don’t believe that at all.  
Q. Well, you can’t attribute it to picketing.  
A. I cannot draw a straight line. I’ve already answered that question.  
Q. The point is this. Whether or not there’s picketing in front of the Hamilton Henderson  
Hospital, there’s still going to be situations where you conceivably will be giving patients  
2.0 micrograms.  
A. Yes, there will be some.  
Q. And you will consider it medically safe to do that?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Even though, yes, all these consequences, convulsions, could occur?  
A. Yes.  
Q. They are so rare it would not affect your medical judgment that the level of dosage is  
perfectly acceptable for patients if you have some reason to think that they would be  
assisted by it?  
A. Right.  
[350] On a direct relationship between increased medical risk, the actual materialization of  
such risk and the presence of picketing, Dr. Lamont states (pp. 215-17):  
Q. Looking at paragraph 33 of your affidavit, you talk about the possibility of  
muscle spasms during the procedure.  
A. Yes.  
Q. And increased levels of discomfort. And I take it that you are aware of any situation  
where there’s been a physical complication occurring in a procedure which you could  
attribute to the presence of a picketer?  
A. No. Thus, the straight line I can’t draw again. I can only—I can only base it on the  
patient’s increased anxiety from the experience.  
Q. But the point is that if the anxiety reaches a level where you think it could possibly  
impact on the experience of the surgery, you recommend to those patients that they  
defer the procedure?  
A. If I can detect it beforehand, but there are situations in which you get procedure  
started and the patient then begins to have these sorts of reactions.  
Q. But that’s very rare, is it not?  
A. Yes, all of these things we’re talking about are rare.  
Q. And none of them you can specifically attribute to the presence of picketers?  
A. Well…  
Q. Is that not fair? I mean isn’t that what it boils down to?  
A. If you’re talking about the straight line, you’re absolutely right. If you’re talking about a  
general reaction.  
Q. It’s possible?  
A. Yah.  
Q. Doctor, just move on to paragraph 34, have you ever had perforation of the uterus  
occur?  
A. Yes.  
Q. Has it ever occurred in a situation where you can attribute it a picketer?  
A. Well, as I say, that’s the straight line again.  
Q. Is the answer no, but it’s possible, but it possibly could happen at some point?  
A. The answer is yes, I’ve had the experience.  
Q. Yes.  
A. But in terms of you wanting me to draw that straight line, I can’t do it.  
[351] Dr. Lamont is not as troubled by peaceful protest activity, particularly in a hospital  
setting. In this respect, he testifies (pp. 220-1 and 223):  
Q. And would you agree with me that such forms of peaceful protests, whether it be  
holding a sign, handing out a pamphlet or speaking in a peaceful way, wouldn’t  
necessarily have any impact on a medical procedure?  
A. It may not.  
Q. And I take it you’re not as troubled by that type of protest activity.  
A. No, I think that we’re fortunate to be practising in a hospital where, as you say, there’s  
many people who are coming in and out, walking along the street, where the patients do  
not—they’re not sort of labelled as having an abortion.  
Q. But dealing with my question, I take it that you’re not as troubled as a medical man  
giving this affidavit with the possible consequences, etcetera. You’re not as troubled by  
the peaceful protest activity?  
A. As a more aggressive approach?  
Q. Yes.  
A. That’s right.  
Q. Okay. And the complications, whether they’re rare, whether they might not happen,  
whatever, it’s fair to say that you’re less troubled about the prospect of any  
complications or necessity for further medication. You are less troubled about the  
prospect from peaceful picketing.  
A. Right.  
Q. And you have a statement in paragraph 38 of your affidavit that even one lone  
picketer standing outside of a clinic caused detrimental consequences. You’d agree with  
me that one lone picketer acting peacefully is not generally going to cause any  
detrimental problems?  
A. Generally.  
Q. Yes?  
A. I would agree.  
[352] Indeed, to Dr. Lamont’s knowledge, Dr. Scime has picketed outside of the Henderson  
Hospital one day a week for the last 10 years. During this time, Dr. Lamont has never spoken  
to him about the picketing.  
[353] Dr. Nikki Colodny is the only physician who performs abortions at the Toronto abortion  
clinics to give evidence in this proceeding. She acknowledges that most patients do not  
require medication as a result of the presence of picketers. She also acknowledges that  
patients may require additional medication for reasons which have nothing to do with the  
presence of picketers. However, it is her evidence that many patients who enter the clinic on  
the days that picketers are present do complain and are agitated and upset. These patients  
regularly require additional medication. There is, however, the relative infrequence of  
picketing as recorded in the clinic’s log book for 1993 and she agrees (at Q. 1574) that most  
patients do not require medication to deal with any stress they may have, whether it is from  
picketing or another source. With respect to increased risk due to increased dosages of  
sedative, she also agrees that all such dosages have been within the recommended range. In  
respect of risk, she states (at pp. 361-2):  
Q. Well you’ve been talking about risk. I think risk means risk of something happening,  
risk of complication.  
A. When we talk about medical risk, it means impact on health. Has someone died  
because I gave them 200 micrograms instead of 100? Of course not.  
Q. Has anyone had convulsions, or…  
A. Have they been more sedated? Have they had to stay at the clinic longer? Have they  
had the physical effects of the drug doubled in their systemand it does have significant  
sedative effects; it can effect their emotions, their metabolism. So, anyone who has had  
a double dose for whatever reason has increased risks posed to their health and  
well-being.  
Q. That’s what you’re talking about when you talk about risk?  
A. Yes. That’s what physicians mean by risk.  
[354] The Attorney-General relies on social science research to emphasize the destructive  
impact of picketing at an abortion clinic’s doorstep. However, in this respect, questions arose  
concerning the methodology of Professor Catherine Cozzarelli’s study purporting to  
demonstrate at a particular Buffalo abortion clinic a causal relationship between the presence  
of picketing and increased patient stress levels. Professor Cozzarelli obtained her Ph.D in the  
fall of 1991. Her study was conducted in 1990. She is currently an Assistant Professor of  
Psychology at Kansas State University. Also questioned is the comparability of the picketing  
outside of the Buffalo clinic with the type of picketing which is the subject-matter of these  
proceedings. It is suggested that the lack of comparability undermines the usefulness of the  
study’s conclusions even in the absence of methodological concerns. (See Dr. W. Waters  
examination, vol. 44, Tab 2, Qq. 440, 441 and 442.) Generally, it is the view of some expert  
witnesses that the questions asked of the patients by Professor Cozzarelli appear to have  
been directional and that the protest activity is not comparable. Nevertheless, the study  
supports the experience of Dr. Colodny and others working in a Canadian clinic environment  
and Dr. Lamont’s testimony.  
[355] According to Dr. Lamont, one patient was troubled by picketers and vomited after  
2 micrograms of Fantanyl was administered to her. He could not correlate her vomiting  
directly to the picketing. But there was the juxtaposition of the picketing, the need for an  
increased dosage of sedative, and the resulting sickness. (See p. 201 of his cross-  
examination.) However, patients have vomited after the procedure regardless of whether they  
had been spoken to by a picketer. Vomiting is also an unusual occurrence.  
[356] Professor Cozzarelli has also found that women who are upset by picketers are more  
likely to experience post-abortion depression. In contrast, Dr. Lamont is unable to attribute the  
presence of picketers to post-abortion psychological trauma (pp. 218-19). Barbara  
Mehlenbacher, a nurse at the Scott Clinic, also attests that it is “very rare” that a patient will  
be too upset to have the procedure and that the vast majority of the patients do not require  
medication in the upper range of the standard dosage.  
[357] There are, according to Dr. E.E. Daniel, potential toxic effects from general and local  
anaesthetics and sedatives, including prolonged failure to recover normal neural functions,  
prolonged loss of intestinal functions, reduced ability to control blood pressure and the  
reduced ability to carry out immunological control of damage and infection. Dr. Daniel is a  
Professor of Physiology and Pharmacology at McMaster University and is an expert in  
pharmacology. While Dr. Daniel has no clinical experience in performing abortions or working  
in abortion clinics, his evidence is essentially scientific in nature.  
[358] Dr. Morgentaler accepts a relationship between picketers, increased patient anxiety  
and the associated risks of increased dosages of sedative. However, his experience relates to  
picketing from 1984 to 1989 which was often massive in character and lead to the issuance of  
an injunction. No specific complication is directly linked to picketing. He also acknowledges  
that the majority of the patients who entered his clinic in 1988-89, and who were very  
stressed, were sufficiently relaxed at the time of the procedure.  
[359] Dr. Colodny says that her patients frequently require additional medication before  
surgery on days when there are protestors. The defendants, however, question this assertion.  
They point to the relative infrequency of protests in 1993 and to the limited number of  
picketers at Choice in Health when protests occurred. Margaret Hancock is in charge of the  
activity log at Choice in Health. She records all incidents out of the ordinary and any mention  
of picketing by a patient. Of the nine recorded references to picketing between August and  
December, 1993, only one refers to a patient commenting on the picketing.  
(ii) Possible psychological harm to patients  
[360] In addition to possible physiological effects and risks to patients seeking abortion  
services, it is alleged by the Attorney-General and the interveners that the presence of  
protestors can cause significant psychological harm. The evidence can be summarized under  
three main submissions: the decision to have an abortion is a difficult one, which may involve  
emotion, anxiety and stress; the presence of picketers or sidewalk counsellors at the time of  
the abortion procedure inflicts or increases the stress experienced by a patient undergoing an  
abortion; and the presence of increased stress surrounding the decision-making process and  
the abortion procedure itself may delay the patient’s emotional resolution of the abortion  
process, and cause varying degrees of long-term psychological harm such as depression,  
guilt, anxiety and loss of self-esteem.  
[361] Dr. Morgentaler in his affidavit emphasizes the stress involved in making the decision  
to abort a pregnancy. Women who opt for an abortion may fear complications, feel regret  
about their personal circumstances which led to the decision, or feel guilty about the decision.  
Dr. Morgentaler submits that the presence of any picketers in front of a medical facility where  
the abortion is to be performed signifies disapproval of the woman’s decision and thereby  
increases the stress, guilt and regret.  
[362] Similar evidence to Dr. Morgentaler’s is submitted by the Attorney-General’s witness,  
Professor Margot Breton, whose evidence previously has been discussed. In summary, it is  
her opinion that the defendants’ sidewalk activities, specifically picketing and sidewalk  
counselling, are likely to be detrimental, instilling feelings of guilt, lower self-esteem and  
anxiety. Professor Breton was not cross-examined on her evidence.  
[363] Dr. Lamont’s evidence emphasizes the emotional context of the abortion procedure.  
He submits that any form of verbal threat designed to instill doubt about and fear of the  
consequences of the abortion is bound to elevate the patient’s anxiety and have the effect of  
delaying her emotional resolution of this experience. This assertion was not effectively  
challenged on cross-examination. Dr. Lamont also submits that a contributing factor to a  
woman’s inability to come to terms with her decision is the extent of psychological trauma  
surrounding the abortion procedure. The patient’s feelings immediately prior to the operation  
and her comfort level during the operation impacts on the degree of psychological trauma she  
suffers. It is the context surrounding the procedure and not the procedure itself which causes  
psychological harm.  
[364] Dr. Waters is a psychiatrist whose practice has been focused on the psychology of  
human sexuality and reproduction. According to Dr. Waters, if a woman has a negative  
emotional reaction following the abortion, it is rarely due to the abortion itself, but to  
circumstances associated with the decision-making process. If the woman is pressured to  
make a decision contrary to the one she would make if people in her environment were  
supportive, the stress she will consequently feel is more likely to lead to a negative reaction  
following the procedure. The anti-choice pickets at abortion clinics make it a practice to  
question a woman about her decision and to try to make her feel guilty about that decision.  
They also try to alarm her about the health consequences of abortion. These factors all add  
considerable stress to a woman who is already burdened by her situation, and thereby  
increase the likelihood of a negative emotional reaction following the procedure. At pp. 114-27  
of his examination, Dr. Waters states that pre-abortion counselling will not necessarily  
eliminate the negative consequences resulting from the picketing. The specific harms he  
discusses include chronic depressive symptoms, disturbed relationships with the woman’s  
partner and her children, and loss of self-esteem. These may in turn lead to a further  
functional disturbance involving her adaptation to her social, work and family environments.  
[365] Relying on Professor Cozzarelli’s study, the Attorney-General submits that women who  
report that demonstrators upset them are more likely to experience immediate post-abortion  
depression. It is submitted the study demonstrates that any picketing activity in which  
picketers shout or move about with posters, hold prayer sessions or pass out leaflets, among  
other things, is associated with increased depression immediately post-abortion. Indeed, it is  
submitted that increased levels of depression result from this more intense anti-abortion  
picketing regardless of the number of anti-abortion demonstrators present. Thus, any form of  
verbal threat designed to instill doubt and fear of the consequences of the abortion, it is  
argued, elevates the patient’s anxiety and has the effect of delaying her emotional resolution  
of this experience.  
[366] The post-abortion procedure trauma addressed by Dr. Lamont is anxiety, stress and  
depression (Qq. 1168-9). However, he acknowledges that, even where this type of harm  
exists, it usually lasts no longer than three months (Q. 1167). Dr. Lamont admits that less  
aggressive picketing would have less impact on a woman’s psychological state (at Q. 965).  
[367] Both Dr. Lamont and Dr. Waters admit that a number of factors could contribute to the  
existence or nature of post-abortion psychological trauma (Dr. Lamont, Qq. 1164-5).  
Dr. Waters states that a negative post-abortion reaction could be due to a pre-existing  
psychiatric or psychological condition or disorder totally unrelated to the decision-making  
process (Q. 254). Further, factors other than the picketing could affect the decision-making  
process, such as coercion by the patient’s family or financial difficulties the woman is  
undergoing (Qq. 261-3). Finally, second trimester abortions tend to be generally more  
stressful (Qq. 283-4).  
[368] The Attorney-General also relies on the affidavit of Dr. Paul K.B. Dagg. Dr. Dagg is a  
practising psychiatrist and Assistant Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Ottawa  
Medical School, Department of Psychiatry. In 1991, Dr. Dagg completed a comprehensive  
review of the scientific literature on the psychological consequences of abortion, entitled “The  
Psychological Sequelae of Therapeutic AbortionDenied and Completed”, published in the  
American Journal of Psychiatry. Dr. Dagg’s evidence is that the uninvited opinions of  
picketers and offers of help made in the anti-abortion protest context are likely to heighten  
feelings of intimidation, and vulnerability and to lower self-esteem. From his review of the  
relevant literature, he believes that women who have an abortion in a climate of hostility and  
antagonism are susceptible to traumatization that is related to the context of abortion rather  
than the event itself. In the small number of women who suffer post-abortion distress,  
sidewalk protesting, with the feelings of shame and self doubt it is likely to produce, can only  
contribute to that distress. Dr. Dagg, therefore, supports Dr. Lamont and Dr. Waters with  
respect to their belief that the context of the abortion may impact adversely upon the patient  
and produce harmful post-abortion consequences. Dr. Dagg’s evidence provides a middle  
ground on this issue recognizing, as he does, that not all women will suffer post-abortion  
harm, and that sidewalk counselling will be a contributing factor, not the sole factor, to any  
distress that is suffered. Dr. Dagg was not cross-examined on his evidence.  
[369] Dr. Morgentaler’s experience, as previously noted, has been confined to either large  
numbers of picketers or none at all. He has not personally performed abortions under  
conditions similar to the present case. His evidence, although relevant and reasonably logical,  
is therefore of less value, particularly where it contradicts Dr. Lamont’s opinion that fewer  
picketers decrease the harm or risk of harm. Professor Cozzarelli’s study, as well, may not be  
determinative due to the arguably predisposed nature of the questions asked. Dr. Waters’  
testimony is based upon his clinical experience in practice and not from personal experience  
at these abortion clinics or from patients who attended at such clinics. Dr. Lamont’s  
experience has already been reviewed. Dr. Dagg does not specifically refer to his clinical  
experience and mentions only his research and the scientific literature as the basis for his  
conclusions.  
[370] There is no evidence of actual post-operative psychological harm attested to by  
doctors who perform abortions at the Toronto clinics. However, the evidence tendered by the  
Attorney-General comes from a cross-section of the medical community. The witnesses come  
from various locations and specialities. Their experience varied and their opinions are based  
on both anecdotal and empirical evidence. Subject to the inherent limitations of the plaintiff’s  
evidence and given the nature of this proceeding, it is generally to be preferred over the  
defendants’ evidence.  
[371] The defendants’ witnesses contend there are no adverse consequences to a woman’s  
psychological health as a result of anti-abortion picketing and that any post-abortion  
psychological trauma she suffers is a result of the abortion itself. Dr. Bernard Nathanson, a  
former pro-choice activist, is now a pro-life obstetrician and gynaecologist. He was the  
director of an abortion clinic in New York in 1971 and 1972 and was actively involved in  
performing abortions from 1964 until 1979. He says that he has never witnessed any adverse  
effects on patients from picketing and (at Q. 300) denies that the majority of women would  
experience emotional distress from anti-abortion picketers. However, he has never been  
inside a Toronto clinic and has not been involved in performing abortions for a number of  
years.  
[372] Dr. Murray G. McGovern is a psychiatrist. He agrees that it could be distressing for  
patients to go through a picket line, although he has not encountered any patients who have  
voluntarily expressed distress about the presence of the anti-abortion picketers (Qq. 827-30).  
Dr. McGovern’s evidence contradicts that of the Attorney-General’s witnesses. In his affidavit,  
he agrees with Dr. Waters that pressure on women is associated with the negative sequelae  
of abortion. However, he states that women who are pressured to have an abortion are more  
likely to suffer post-abortion disturbance than those who are pressured to continue the  
pregnancy. Nevertheless, Dr. McGovern admits that pressure not to have the abortion could  
have negative consequences (Qq. 791-3).  
[373] Dr. McGovern further deposes that the high state of anxiety and emotional distress  
with which some women approach the abortion experience is indicative of a deep  
ambivalence about the abortion decision itself, and is not related to the conditions  
surrounding the abortion, such as the anti-abortion demonstrators. There is voluminous  
material on the record debating the existence of “post-abortion syndrome”. The witnesses for  
the Attorney-General appear to be somewhat more reliable in terms of the relevance and  
breadth of their experience and their supporting data. While there appears to be no clear  
answer, on this record, as to whether post-abortion syndrome does exist, the interlocutory  
stage of these proceedings is not the forum to attempt to resolve this debate. See also the  
letter of the then Surgeon General of the United States, Dr. C. Everett Koop, dated January 9,  
1989 (ex. 2 to the transcript of Dr. McGovern’s cross-examination). Suffice it to say that the  
defendants’ evidence does not diminish the weight to be given to the plaintiff’s expert  
witnesses with respect to anti-abortion picketing increasing stress and anxiety during the  
abortion procedure, and the incidence of post-abortion psychological trauma.  
(g) Consent forms and related information  
[374] A patient seeking abortion services is required to sign a consent form. The thrust of the  
form may be garnered from the following paragraph taken from the Choice in Health consent.  
All patients have this form explained to them as part of the pre-procedure counselling,  
I understand that complications of this procedure, as in all surgical procedures, while  
extremely rare, may occur in spite of the best intentions and skill of the doctor. I have  
been informed that there is a possible but very remote risk of allergic reaction;  
perforation of the uterus and intestines; haemorrhage or heavy bleeding; cervical  
laceration or tear; incomplete abortion; retained tissue or continued pregnancy;  
post-abortal syndrome meaning failure of the uterus to contract; infection; or error in  
estimating the duration of existence of pregnancy. I understand it is possible that some  
of these complications may lead to or contribute to future infertility. I accept this risk.  
[375] A pamphlet entitled “Abortion: Medical Facts” published by Child Birth by Choice Trust  
of Toronto describes the actual complication rate for abortion in these terms:  
The overall complication rate for abortion in Canada is at an all-time low of 1.2%; for  
first-trimester abortions, the rate goes down to 0.6%. In comparison of the mortality rates  
for other common types of surgery with that for abortion indicates that a first-trimester  
abortion is safer than an injection of penicillin, twice as safe as a tonsillectomy, and 100  
times safer than an appendectomy. U.S. data indicate that a woman is 25 times more  
likely to die from pregnancy and child birth than a legal abortion.  
[376] Under the heading “Abortion and Psychological Health” the same publication states:  
Anti-choice groups, in an effort to further their goal of making abortion illegal again,  
falsely claim that abortion is both physically and psychologically dangerous. The United  
Nations sponsored, World Health Organization’s Scientific Group on Spontaneous and  
Induced Abortions looked into the question of harmful psychological reactions to  
abortion and in 1978 stated that:  
“There is now a substantial body of data reported from many countries after careful  
and objective follow up suggesting frequent psychological benefit and a low  
incidence of adverse psychological sequelae (i.e consequences).”  
The conclusion that psychological problems from abortion are rare was recently  
confirmed when hundreds of scientific studies were reviewed by the American  
Psychological Association and by (anti-choice) U.S. Surgeon General, Dr. C. Everett  
Koop. Dr. Koop stated that the volume of women showing negative psychological effects  
is “minuscule” and not a public health problem. The American Psychological Association  
Survey, entitled “The  
Psychological Sequelae of Abortion”, reported that many researchers found the  
pre-dominant psychological response to abortion to be relief and happiness.  
(h) Incidence of abortion in Ontario  
[377] With respect to the provision of abortions in Ontario, the Attorney-General did not  
adduce evidence about the number of abortions performed or the impact of picketing on the  
number performed. The defendants, however, filed Statistics Canada information and Ministry  
of Health statistics indicating that the number of abortions performed in Ontario rose  
significantly during the late 1980s and has remained relatively constant since 1990. In 1990,  
the Independent Health Facilities Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. I.3, was proclaimed into force providing  
for the establishment and funding of free-standing abortion clinics. The Ministry of Health  
statistics show the number of abortions performed in Ontario since 1989 as follows:  
Year  
1989  
1990  
1991  
1992  
Number  
31,739  
31,350  
31,424  
43,113 (free-standing clinics reported)  
Statistics Canada figures illustrate that the number of abortions performed nationally since  
1989 has shown a similar pattern:  
Year  
1989  
Number  
70,779  
1990  
71,222  
70,463  
1991  
(i) Clinics and hospitals  
[378] The previously mentioned publication by Child Birth by Choice Trust of Toronto, in  
describing where abortions are performed, compares clinics with hospital service, highlighting  
the importance of clinics in the following manner:  
CLINICS offer a number of benefits over hospital services:  
—a woman doesn’t need a referral from a physician in order to make an  
appointment at a clinic.  
hospitals classify abortion procedures as elective surgery, so delay is almost  
inevitable, even though the incidents of complications significantly increases with  
time. Because there is less delay in obtaining the procedure at a clinic, there is less  
physical and emotional risk to the patient.  
freestanding clinics specialize in abortion services, and use the most advanced  
medical techniques. For example, clinics use a local anaesthetic  
which is less expensive and safer for the patient than the unnecessary general  
anaesthetic used by most hospitals.  
the psychological supportive atmosphere of a clinic staff by sympathetic people  
is beneficial to women.  
providing abortion services in a clinic setting is much more cost-effective than  
using a fully-equipped hospital.  
(j) Kitchener-Waterloo and Cambridge  
[379] At para. 166 of the Attorney-General’s factum, it is submitted that as a result of  
harassment activity, physicians in Kitchener-Waterloo and Cambridge have chosen to stop  
providing abortions, to move to new communities, or to retire early. In fact, various  
publications of the pro-life movement, previously reviewed, claim this to be so. However, the  
Task Group Report suggests the situation is somewhat more complicated. It points out there  
may be a variety of factors that determine a doctor’s interest in providing abortion services,  
including an active anti-abortion lobby within the medical profession itself in the Kitchener-  
Waterloo and Cambridge areas. Pressure exerted by this lobby may have taken its toll on  
physician interest in addition to the impact of picketing.  
[380] Nevertheless, this is not to say that the picketing of the offices of the doctors who filed  
affidavits in these proceedings was immaterial to their decisions to depart, to retire or to  
cease offering abortion services. Indeed, the evidence is strongly to the contrary. Clearly this  
type of activity can be very discouraging. Certain of the defendants have claimed a personal  
victory in making Kitchener-Waterloo and Cambridge an “abortion free zone” by this tactic and  
they are by no means alone. Joseph Scheidler, speaking at a National Pro-Life Conference in  
Toronto on June 26, 1992, on the topic “Closing Down the Abortion Industry”, advised those  
in attendance (at p. 29):  
Now I am not going to tell you how to close down an abortion clinic step by step. There  
are lots of ways. We’ve talked about getting the doctors at the abortion clinics but if the  
abortion clinics don’t have doctors, you don’t have abortion clinics. You have to spread  
the message, you have to get people interested and excited about this. It’s an exciting  
thing that we are doing.  
[381] In 1987, Dr. Chan and Dr. Assad were contacted by a Dr. Reginald Banister and  
Annelise Steden, two anti-abortion activists in the Cambridge area who believe that doctors  
are the “weak link” in the provision of abortion services. They advised they would picket  
outside the offices of Dr. Chan and Dr. Asaad at 715 Coronation Blvd. in Cambridge if these  
doctors continued to perform abortions. To Dr. Assad’s knowledge, four out of the five  
obstetrician-gynaecologists in Cambridge at the time offered abortion services as part of their  
practice. However, with the threat in picketing, the two other physicians withdrew from  
providing abortion services. Because Dr. Chan and Dr. Assad did not do likewise, picketing  
commenced at their offices on May 25, 1987 with approximately 10 people picketing on the  
sidewalk in front of the office building.  
[382] The signage of the demonstrators read: “Dr. Assad [or Dr. Chan] stop killing unborn  
babies.” Patients were requested by picketers not to go into the offices of these two doctors  
because they provided abortion services. The picketing was for approximately one hour each  
day from Monday through Friday. During the fall of 1987 to the summer of 1988, the picketing  
took place every Friday from about 4:30 p.m. to 5:30 p.m. and then reverted to four times a  
week. The picketing was accompanied by harassing telephone calls to the doctors’  
residences in the middle of the night. In these calls, the doctors would be called murderers or  
abortionists. The doctors began to lose patients and experienced altercations with individual  
picketers.  
[383] By order of Madam Justice Scott dated July 4, 1988, the doctors obtained an injunction  
restraining picketers from carrying placards with their names and from picketing within  
500 feet of their office building. However, this order was varied by Madam Justice Van Camp  
to permit picketing on the sidewalk or other public area up to within 10 feet of the doctors’  
offices unless there were more than five picketers. In the latter event, picketing could not  
come within 500 feet of the building. Ultimately, this order was further varied, expanding the  
picket-free zone from 10 feet to 50 feet. The cost to the doctors of these proceedings is  
estimated to have been in the order of $100,000. Both doctors felt that they could no longer  
afford the heavy financial and time commitment required to pursue the litigation. In March of  
1990, Dr. Assad left Canada and moved to Albequerque, New Mexico. In his affidavit, he  
states:  
The harassment that I was subjected to was a definitive factor in my decision to leave.  
My present practice consists almost exclusively of infertility treatment and I absolutely do  
not provide abortions as part of my practice because of what I have experienced by way  
of harassment. In my opinion, I have been stigmatized as a controversial figure as a  
result of being the target of anti-abortion harassment activity. I am concerned that this  
stigma would affect my career should I return to Ontario to practice medicine.  
[384] Shortly after Dr. Assad left Cambridge, Dr. Chan decided to stop providing abortion  
services. He states:  
The harassment I experienced as a provider was one of the key factors in my decision to  
stop providing. I did not want to be the only provider of abortion services in Cambridge  
as I was afraid of being an easy target for picketers or for any unstable person they  
might attract.  
[385] Dr. Reinhart Uffelman has been a medical practitioner and specialist in obstetrics and  
gynaecology in the City of Kitchener since January, 1957. He is now semi-retired, having  
stopped practising obstetrics in 1991. He continues to practise general gynaecology two days  
a week. In his affidavit, he states that until January, 1991, he provided abortion services as  
part of his practice. But due to the extensive harassment he received from anti-abortion  
activists over the years, he finally decided to stop accepting agency and physician referrals of  
patients requesting this service. He states that picketing at the Kitchener-Waterloo Hospital  
began in the early 1980s and by 1985, the number of providers in the Kitchener-Waterloo  
region had dropped from eight to two and then to only one by 1988, that being himself. In  
1989, he began to experience anti-abortion harassment activity at his home. His home was  
picketed on several occasions during 1989 and 1990. This activity was accompanied by  
harassing telephone calls and, in the late summer of 1990, someone spray-painted the front  
of his house in red paint with the words “baby killer”.  
[386] In the spring of 1990, Barry D’Costa, with approximately six other students, barged  
through Dr. Uffelman’s reception area and occupied his office. D’Costa also staged a hunger  
strike because of Dr. Uffelman’s abortion activities. All of this was widely reported in the local  
news. Thereafter, Dr. Uffelman began to lose patients and received differential treatment in  
respect to abortion procedures at the hospital. As a result of the harassment he was  
experiencing and the lack of support from “a great portion of the medical community in  
Kitchener”, he decided to stop accepting referrals for patients requesting abortion services.  
[387] There are no doctors currently providing abortion services in the Cambridge-Kitchener  
area. The Attorney-General’s application is aimed at preventing the repetition of this  
experience elsewhere.  
V
SUBMISSIONS OF THE PARTIES  
(a) The plaintiff and interveners  
[388] The Attorney-General of Ontario has commenced this action in the public interest to  
enforce public rights and to restrain public nuisance. She seeks to protect the public interest  
by ensuring:  
(i) the health and safety of persons seeking a medical service;  
(ii) unimpeded physical access to a medical service;  
(iii) that medical personnel do not face harassment or intimidation when providing  
medical services;  
(iv) that physicians and their families are free from harassment and intimidation in their  
private lives; and  
(v) that safe abortion procedures are available in the Province of Ontario.  
[389] It is submitted that the denial of access to abortion, if occasioned by the state, is a  
violation of a woman’s right to security of the person within the meaning of s. 7 of the Charter.  
Even minor but unnecessary delay in obtaining an abortion has been recognized by the  
Supreme Court of Canada to be “devastating” and to “have profound consequences on the  
women’s physical and emotional well being”. The Attorney-General submits, as the Supreme  
Court of Canada has held, that “a woman’s decision to have an abortion is “profound[ly] social  
and ethical”. It is a decision which must be made according to a woman’s “priorities and  
aspirations”. It is submitted that there is, therefore, a compelling public interest in allowing  
women to achieve individual self-fulfilment by ensuring that they have access to safe abortion  
procedures: see Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The Queen (1988), 44 D.L.R. (4th) 385 at  
pp. 401-7, 37 C.C.C. (3d) 449, [1988] 1 S.C.R. 30, per Dickson C.J.C. The health, safety and  
security of patients require that medical personnel provide services in an atmosphere free of  
avoidable stress, harassment and intimidation. Counsel argue that if physicians are  
discouraged from providing abortion services by harassment and intimidation and by an  
invasion of their privacy, the public interest will suffer. A compelling public interest is therefore  
said to exist in protecting the residential privacy of physicians providing abortion services: see  
Frisby v. Schultz, 487 U.S. 474 (1988).  
[390] The Attorney-General submits that she need only establish a serious issue to be tried  
and that irreparable harm would be sustained if the injunction is not granted.  
[391] It is also submitted that as guardian of the public interest and chief law officer of the  
Crown, she has the authority to seek an injunction to enjoin a public wrong and that an  
injunction may be granted by the court to prevent persistent unlawful conduct or to suppress  
the commission of a “public nuisance”: see Gouriet v. Union of Postal Workers, [1978] A.C.  
435 (H.L.). The Attorney-General relies on A.-G. Ont. v. Grabarchuk (1976), 67 D.L.R. (3d)  
31, 11 O.R. (2d) 607 (Div. Ct.); A.-G. Ont. v. Yeotes (1980), 111 D.L.R. (3d) 488 at pp. 497-8,  
16 C.P.C. 60, 12 R.P.R. 166 (Ont H.C.J.); and B.C.G.E.U. v. British Columbia (Attorney-  
General) (1988), 53 D.L.R. (4th) 1, 44 C.C.C. (3d) 289, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 214, for the  
proposition that she may bring an action to enjoin breaches of federal and provincial statutes  
notwithstanding that the statutes provide penalties and the enforcement mechanisms under  
such statutes have not been exhausted.  
[392] It is argued that the defendants’ conduct constitutes the offences of intimidation,  
stalking (S.C. 1993, c. 45, ordered into force August, 1993) and counselling and conspiring  
with others to intimidate or stalk: see Criminal Code, R.S.C. 1985, c. C-46, ss. 21, 22, 264,  
423, 465(1)(d). It is submitted that the purpose of the defendants’ conduct is not to  
communicate information but to intimidate abortion service providers and their patients: see  
Smith Bros. Construction Co. v. Jones, [1955] 4 D.L.R. 255, 113 C.C.C. 16, [1955] O.R. 362  
(H.C.J), and Re Regina and Basaraba (1975), 24 C.C.C. (2d) 296, [1976] 3 W.W.R. 233  
(Man. C.A.). Other provisions of the Criminal Code alleged to have been breached include ss.  
175(1)(a) (causing a disturbance), 264.1(1) (uttering threats), 265 (assault) and 430(1)(d)  
(mischief). A number of defendants, it is submitted, have deliberately trespassed upon private  
property breaching the provisions of the Trespass to Property Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. T.21. It is,  
therefore, submitted that there are serious issues to be tried concerning the defendants’  
alleged deliberate and persistent breaches of these federal and provincial statutes.  
[393] The Attorney-General, counsel contend, has the right to restrain breaches of the  
common law rights of individuals and groups where the interests of the public or a large  
segment of the public are at stake. It is submitted that the defendants have engaged in a  
persistent course of conduct which is defamatory of physicians individually and as a group.  
Counsel submit that it is not necessary or practical for each individual physician to separately  
seek a private injunction. Reliance is placed on F.W. Woolworth Co. v. Retail Food & Drug  
Clerks Union, Local 1518 (1961), 30 D.L.R. (2d) 377, 36 W.W.R. 565 (B.C.S.C.); People’s  
Holding Co. v. A.-G. Que., [1931] 4 D.L.R. 317, [1931] S.C.R. 452; Assad v. Cambridge Right  
to Life (1989), 69 O.R. (2d) 598, 16 A.C.W.S. (3d) 336 (H.C.J.); varied, Ont. C.A., August 23,  
1989 (unreported); and on the testimony of Drs. Assad and Chan concerning their effort to  
obtain injunctive relief.  
[394] The Attorney-General submits that the defendants’ conduct constitutes a public  
nuisance in three ways. First, she relies on the definition of public nuisance found in Attorney-  
General v. P.Y.A. Quarries, Ltd., [1957] 1 All E.R. 894 at p. 902 (C.A.), stating that “… any  
nuisance is ‘public’ which materially affects the reasonable comfort and convenience of life of  
a class of Her Majesty’s subjects”. In this respect, counsel point to the broad range of conduct  
which has been held in the past to constitute a public nuisance: see, for example (picketing of  
government buildings) A.-G. B.C. v. Ellsay (1959), 19 D.L.R. (2d) 453 (B.C.S.C); (noise from  
a speedway operated on Sunday) A.-G. B.C., ex rel. Eaton v. Haney Speedways Ltd. (1963),  
39 D.L.R. (2d) 48 (B.C.S.C); (an unlawful strike by hospital employees and counselling and  
unlawful strike by union officials) A-G. Ont. v. C.U.P.E. (1981), 119 D.L.R. (3d) 428, 20 C.P.C.  
208, 31 O.R. (2d) 618 (H.C.J.); (using residential streets for aggressive public and disorderly  
prostitution) A.-G. B.C. v. Couillard (1984), 11 D.L.R. (4th) 567,14 C.C.C. (3d) 169, 31  
C.C.L.T. 26 (B.C.S.C.); (social nuisance and trespass, reduced property values, harassment  
of women and impact on children from prostitution activity) Reference re: ss.193 and  
195.1(1)(c) of the Criminal Code (Man.) (1990), 56 C.C.C. (3d) 65, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123, 77  
C.R. (3d) 1; and (a peace camp set up on Parliament Hill to protest cruise missile testing)  
Weisfeld v. Canada (Minister of Public Works), [1990] 1 F.C. 367, 27 F.T.R. 30, 42 C.R.R.  
238 (T.D.).  
[395] It is argued there exists “a sufficiently large collection of private nuisances” to  
constitute a public nuisance. This is said to represent a second category of public nuisance.  
She relies on several cases where picketing and other anti-abortion activities have been  
enjoined by interlocutory injunctions at the suit of a private party: see Assad v. Cambridge  
Right to Life, supra] Morgentaler v. Wiche, supra; Canadian Urban Equities Ltd. v. Direct  
Action for Life, supra; R. v. Bridges, supra; and Gestions Habal Inc. operating as Morgentaler  
Clinic v. O’Malley, Alta. Q.B., May 26, 1993.  
[396] Counsel contend the evidence demonstrates that the conduct of the defendants is  
having a serious negative impact on the health and security of abortion patients and on the  
safety and privacy of the abortion service providers and their families. The concern is  
expressed that this conduct will result in an unwillingness of physicians to perform abortions.  
Counsel contend that, taken as a whole, the conduct at the named locations throughout the  
province has a sufficient deleterious effect on a significant proportion of the population and on  
the provision of medical services to constitute a public nuisance. This is said to be a third  
category of public nuisance. Accordingly, the Attorney-General submits she has  
demonstrated that there is a serious issue to be tried.  
[397] On the issue of irreparable harm, the Attorney-General makes two submissions. First,  
the Attorney-General, as protector of public rights and custodian of the public interest, is not  
required to demonstrate that irreparable harm will result if the requested injunction is not  
granted. In this respect, reliance is based on Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Bear Island  
Foundation (1989), 63 D.L.R. (4th) 756 at pp. 759-60, [1990] 4 C.N.L.R. 25, 70 O.R. (2d) 758  
(H.C.J.). Alternatively, there is ample evidence of irreparable harm to the individual abortion  
service providers and in the adverse effects on the health of patients. For this latter  
proposition, reliance is placed on Morgentaler v. Wiche, supra, at p. 11 and Chief Justice  
Dickson’s statement in Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The Queen, at p. 402, that “… any  
unnecessary delay can have profound consequences on the woman’s physical and emotional  
well being”.  
[398] The Attorney-General submits that the balance of convenience is in favour of granting  
the requested interlocutory relief because other locations are available at which protestors  
could put forward their anti-abortion message. It is urged that any individual hardship to the  
defendants is far outweighed by the irreparable harm that would be suffered by patients,  
providers and others if the injunction is not granted. Reference, in support of this submission,  
is made to Imperial Chemical Industries PLC v. Apotex Inc. (1989), 27 C.P.R. (3d) 345, [1990]  
1 F.C. 221,26 C.I.P.R. 1 (C.A.); Attorney-General v. Campbell (1872), 19 Gr. 299 (Ch.) at  
p. 301; Attorney-General v. Premier Line Ltd., [1932] 1 Ch. 303; Attorney-General v. Colney  
Hatch Lunatic Asylum (1868), 4 Ch. App. 145; and Attorney-General v. Bastow, [1957] 1  
Q.B. 514.  
[399] The Attorney-General disagrees with the defendants’ assertion that such interlocutory  
relief would interfere with their freedoms of religion, expression and assembly as provided for  
by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Alternatively, she submits that any  
infringement is justified under s. 1 of the Charter. Counsel for the Attorney-General  
emphasize that the rights and freedoms guaranteed in the Charter are not absolute and that  
the ambit of a right or freedom must be defined in the context of the particular activity in  
question, as set out in Young v. Young (1993), 108 D.L.R. (4th) 193, [1993] 4 S.C.R. 3, 18  
C.R.R. (2d) 41, per McLachlin J. at p. 276, and per L’Heureux-Dubé J. at pp. 256-7, and in R.  
v. Edwards Books & Art Ltd. (1986), 35 D.L.R. (4th) 1 at pp. 34-5, 30 C.C.C. (3d) 385, [1986]  
2 S.C.R. 713.  
[400] It is submitted that freedom of religion is not engaged because the defendants’  
religions do not require them to picket as a tenet of their faith. The Attorney-General also  
argues that freedom of religion does not extend to activity which harms other people or injures  
or interferes with the parallel rights of others: see Young v. Young, supra, per McLachlin J.,  
and Jack and Charlie v. The Queen (1985), 21 D.L.R. (4th) 641, 21 C.C.C. (3d) 481, [1985] 2  
S.C.R. 332.  
[401] With respect to freedom of expression, it is submitted that activity which conveys  
meaning in a violent and threatening form is not protected. Accordingly, the activities of the  
defendants directed at patients, such as blocking their way into a clinic or shouting at them in  
a manner designed to upset them, are not protected expression under the Charter: see Every  
woman’s Health Centre Society (1988) v. Bridges, supra, and Canada Post Corp. v. C.U.P.W.  
(1991), 84 D.L.R. (4th) 150, 28 A.C.W.S. (3d) 1031 (Ont. Ct. (Gen.Div.)). It is also submitted  
that the activities at issue are incompatible with the use of the public areas around such  
medical facilities as the Toronto abortion clinics. Thus, the activities do not constitute  
protected expression under s. 2(b) of the Charter: see Committee for the Commonwealth of  
Canada v Canada (1991), 77 D.L.R. (4th) 385, [1991] 1 S.C.R. 139, 4 C.R.R. (2d) 60. It is,  
therefore, submitted that the injunction would not infringe the defendants’ fundamental  
freedoms pursuant to the Charter.  
[402] In the event that an injunction would infringe the rights and freedoms provided for in  
s. 2(a), (b) or (c) of the Charter, counsel for the Attorney-General and interveners submit any  
infringement is justified under s. 1. The objective of the interlocutory injunction relates to  
concerns which are “pressing and substantial” and the contours of the requested relief are  
proportional and appropriate to these ends: see Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney-General)  
(1989), 58 D.L.R. (4th) 577 at p. 624, 25 C.P.R. (3d) 417, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927, and R. v.  
Keegstra (1990), 61 C.C.C. (3d) 1 at p. 30, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697, 1 C.R. (4th) 129, and United  
States of America v. Cotroni (1989), 48 C.C.C. (3d) 193 at pp. 218-19, [1989] 1 S.C.R.  
1469,42 C.R.R. 101. The injunction is intended to protect vulnerable groups such as patients  
and the family members of physicians. It is also submitted there is a causal link between the  
conduct to be restrained and the public interest objective given the damaging effects of the  
conduct: see B.C.G.E.U. v. British Columbia (Attorney-General), supra.  
[403] It is submitted that the requested relief is appropriately tailored to meet the  
proportionality test of minimal impairment. The relief relates only to the place and manner of  
the defendants’ activities. It is narrowly tailored to 23 locations. The relief directly addresses  
the specific harm occasioned to access to abortion by the conduct of the defendants.  
Moreover, the seriousness of the problem and the necessity of a multifaceted approach are  
apparent from the Report of the Task Group. In making these submissions, the Attorney-  
General relies upon R. v. Chaulk (1990), 62 C.C.C. (3d) 193 at pp. 220-1, [1990] 3 S.C.R.  
1303, 2 C.R. (4th) 1; Canadian Newspapers Co. v. Canada (Attorney-General) (1988), 52  
D.L.R. (4th) 690 at pp. 697-8, 43 C.C.C. (3d) 24, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 122; R. v. Butler (1992), 89  
D.L.R. (4th) 449 at p. 485, 70 C.C.C. (3d) 129, [1992] 1 S.C.R. 452; and B.C.G.E.U. v. British  
Columbia (Attorney-General), supra.  
[404] Finally, it is urged that any effect of an injunction on the rights of the defendants is  
outweighed by the importance of the government’s objective of protecting the interest of  
patients and abortion service providers and their families.  
[405] The government seeks to enjoin the picketers from even carrying a “stop abortion”  
picket sign outside of a clinic because of the vulnerability and susceptibility of the patients. It  
is said such signs challenge a woman’s decision to have an abortion and involve an obvious  
intention to harass and intimidate. Counsel contend that the “sidewalk counselling” is entirely  
one-sided and is designed to shame and confront the patients. Counsel submit that the picket  
signs depict doctors as “killers” with the obvious intention of shaming them before their  
neighbours and patients and attracting further abuse in the form of hate mail and harassing  
telephone calls. With respect to the relatively few number of picketers and the nature of their  
conduct in recent years, it is submitted that these activities must be viewed against the  
“resonating effect” of the previous Operation Rescues, the bombing of the Morgentaler clinic,  
and the recent murders of abortion service providers in Florida. Ultimately, counsel for the  
Attorney-General submits that a single picketer can inflict physical and psychological harm  
and that no woman should have to bear the additional risk of such conduct. In support,  
reference is made to Bering v. Share, 721 P.2d 918 (Wash. 1986); Laurence H, Tribe,  
American Constitutional Law, 2nd ed. (1988), at pp. 837-41, 887-90 and 1343-4.  
[406] Many of the defendants acknowledge that their activities are distressing to both  
patients and abortion service providers. The Attorney-General submits this is evidence of an  
intent to watch, beset, intimidate and conspire to injure. Counsel emphasize that picketers  
stand close to the entrance to the clinics to “catch” the patients and provoke physical  
confrontation. Picketers confront patients, doctors, families and staff and anyone connected to  
the clinics in any way, including insurance agents and taxi-cab drivers. Picketers shout,  
congregate and encircle the patients they wish to speak to without actually touching them. All  
of this, it is submitted, interferes with the private property rights of the clinics and the privacy  
rights of those patients coming onto clinic property. The invasion of privacy is, counsel submit,  
either a tort in its own right or part of the tort of nuisance.  
[407] The conduct taken as a whole is also argued to constitute public nuisance having  
regard to the expanded definition of social nuisance set out in Reference re: ss. 193 and 195,  
Criminal Code supra, when viewed against the traditional approach to such matters found in  
Attorney-General v. P.Y.A. Quarries Ltd., supra. Emphasis is placed on the fact that both  
patients and abortion providers are targeted. For women, abortion involves issues of morality,  
sexuality, self-esteem and disapproval. The decision to abort is associated with a state of  
ambivalence and guilt. The evidence shows that upset, guilt and humiliation are experienced  
by patients who encounter the picketers, a result said to be incompatible with the use of  
public sidewalks outside these medical facilities. Abortion providers fear for their safety and  
may also feel ambivalent about providing the service. Counsel argue there is no automatic  
condemnation of content restrictions in Canada where a restriction is aimed at the protection  
of vulnerable groups in society. Similarly, notions of prior restraint are foreign to the Canadian  
jurisprudence as illustrated by R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd. (1986), 33  
D.L.R. (4th) 174, [1986] 2 S.C.R. 573, 38 C.C.L.T. 184, and B.C.G.E.U. v. British Columbia  
(Attorney-General), supra.  
[408] Finally, counsel for the plaintiff caution that in the design of an injunction, it must be  
kept in mind that restrictions at one location will merely increase activity at another. The  
defendants have indicated they would picket more if they had the human resources. In  
respect to the third category of public nuisance, injury to the public as a whole, counsel  
submit that it is not necessary to show that each person has engaged in a tort. Rather, it is  
sufficient to demonstrate that a person has “contributed” to the harm caused. While any one  
person’s activity may not in itself be sufficient to constitute a nuisance, counsel submit the  
aggregate activity of all defendants, including Ubertino, must be examined in relation to the  
alleged harm.  
[409] Mr. Manning, Ms Sachs and Mr. Ruby, on behalf of the interveners, adopt many of the  
preceding submissions. They, too, emphasize the relationship between the right of women in  
Ontario to unfettered access to the clinics they choose to attend, to privacy to make decisions  
affecting their lives, and to the information they want in making such decisions. They agree  
with the Attorney-General that the test for determining the availability of interlocutory relief is  
set out in Yule Inc. v. Atlantic Pizza Delight Franchise (1968) Ltd. (1977), 80 D.L.R. (3d) 725,  
35 C.P.R. (2d) 273, 17 O.R. (2d) 505 (Div. Ct.), and Manitoba (Attorney-General) v.  
Metropolitan Stores (MTS) Ltd. (1987), 38 D.L.R. (4th) 321 at p. 344, [1987] 1 S.C.R. 110,87  
C.L.L.C. ¶14,015.  
[410] However, Mr. Manning argues that the most serious aspect the defendants’ activities is  
the commission of the tort of invasion of privacy. He emphasizes that the defendants and  
others shout, scream, speak to and otherwise communicate with patients, with the clear intent  
to dissuade women who are seeking access to abortion services. The picketers use the signs,  
picketing and “counselling” techniques to identify to the public the place a woman is entering.  
This exposes the patient to unwanted public focus. Dieleman’s book on sidewalk counselling  
is relied on to support the submission that the picketers want “the world to know” when a  
woman is going into a clinic to have an abortion and that they know the patients want that  
decision to remain entirely private. The defendants, therefore, are cognizant of and  
deliberately intend to breach a patient’s right to privacy, thereby committing the tort of  
invasion of privacy.  
[411] Both Mr. Manning and Ms Sachs make reference to Hunter v. Southam Inc. (1984), 11  
D.L.R. (4th) 641, 14 C.C.C. (3d) 97, 2 C.P.R. (3d) 1, and to R. v. Wong (1990), 60 C.C.C. (3d)  
460, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 36, 1 C.R. (4th) 1. These authorities are relied on for the submission that  
an individual’s reasonable expectation of privacy is protected by s. 8 of the Canadian Charter  
of Rights and Freedoms and for the assertion that an individual going about her daily activities  
has, in relation to attending at an abortion clinic, a reasonable expectation of privacy.  
Similarly, it is submitted that in Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The Queen, supra, the  
Supreme Court of Canada made it clear that a woman’s right to seek a safe medical abortion  
is a constitutional right coming within either the phrase “security of the person” or the term  
“liberty” in s. 7 of the Charter. Counsel contend the question before the court is whether  
parties are permitted to do what the government cannot do, namely, interfere with the security  
of the person and liberty of a woman who has made the decision to terminate her pregnancy.  
It is, therefore, submitted that the same protection given by s. 7 of the Charter should be  
available to women pursuant to the common law, particularly in light of those cases holding  
the common law should be developed in a manner sensitive to Charter values: see  
R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd., supra, and R. v. Salituro (1991), 68 C.C.C.  
(3d) 289 at p. 305, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 654, 9 C.R. (4th) 324.  
[412] Mr. Manning submits that invasion of privacy is a recognized tort in Ontario which  
should be interpreted and applied in the case at bar to protect the privacy rights of women  
seeking access to abortion services: see Saccone v. Orr (1981) 19 C.C.L.T. 37, 34 O.R. (2d)  
317 (Co. Ct); Roth v. Roth (1991), 9 C.C.L.T. (2d)141, 34 M.V.R. (2d) 228, 4 O.R. (3d) 740  
(Gen. Div.); Dowell v. Mengen Institute (1983), 72 C.P.R. (2d) 238 (Ont. H.C.J.); Motherwell v.  
Motherwell (1976), 73 D.L.R. (3d) 62, [1976] 6 W.W.R. 550 1 A.R. 47 (C.A.); Capan v. Capan  
(1980), 14 C.C.L.T. 191 (Ont. H.C.J.); Valiquette v. Gazette (The) (1991), 8 C.C.L.T. (2d) 302  
[1991] R.J.Q. 1075 (S.C.); and Burns, “The Law and Privacy: The Canadian Experience”  
(1976), 54 Can. Bar Rev. 1. The defendants and others continuously invade the rights to  
privacy of Ontario women by pointing out to the world that the woman is seeking to have an  
abortion, by taking photographs of such persons going in and out of the clinics, and by taking  
down licence plate numbers in order to know who enters and leaves the clinics. It is  
emphasized that some women have been deterred from entering clinics by the presence of  
picketers and that others, while gaining access, have been distressed and upset. The affidavit  
of “K.R.” is submitted as evidence of the psychological stress caused by picketers and the  
resulting impact on the operations of the clinics.  
[413] Mr. Manning and Ms Sachs further submit that the dominant purposes of the picketing  
include injury to the physicians in their business relations, serious damage to the operations  
of the clinics by closing them down and inducing breaches of contracts between the clinics,  
their patients, their employees and the service organizations conducting business with those  
clinics. This is all in an effort to force the clinics out of business. Mr. Manning characterizes  
the activities of the picketers as intimidation, harassment and “psychological terrorism”.  
[414] The activities of the defendants take a form which is inconsistent with the function of  
the places where they occur. Mr. Manning also submits these activities have nothing to do  
with “an exchange of ideas”. The picketers are fixed in their views that women are not entitled  
to make this particular decision or to make it in private. It is also argued, as the Attorney-  
General does, that even a single picketer has a deleterious effect on patients and abortion  
service providers and their families.  
[415] Both Mr. Manning and Ms Sachs adopt the Attorney-General’s submissions that the  
actions of the picketers amount to a public nuisance. The court is urged to have regard to the  
full range of contextual considerations, including the character of the neighbourhoods, the  
frequency of the nuisance and its duration, the social utility of the conduct complained of as  
weighed against the injury caused, and the value of the interests sought to be protected. In  
support, reference is made to Royal Anne Hotel Co. v. Village of Ashcroft (1979), 95 D.L.R.  
(3d) 756 at p. 761, 8 C.C.L.T. 179, 9 M.P.L.R. 176 (B.C.C.A.), and Morgentaler v. Wiche,  
supra. Given that a public nuisance can be established by showing a sufficiently large  
collection of private nuisances, it is submitted that the personal discomfort, annoyance and  
inconvenience of patients are bases for granting an injunction, the ordinary remedy in cases  
of this kind: see Poole v. Ragen, [1958] O.W.N. 77 (H.C.J.); Culp v. East York (1957), 6  
D.L.R. (2d) 417 at pp. 424 and 426, [1956] O.R. 983 [1956] O.W.N. 855 (H.C.J.); affirmed 9  
D.L.R. (2d) 749, [1957] O.W.N. 515 (C.A.); North Canada Air Ltd. v. Wicker (1980), 8 Sask. R.  
158 at p. 160 (Q.B.); Sharpe, Injunctions and Specific Performance, 2nd ed. (Toronto:  
Canada Law Book Inc., 1993), pp. 4-3 and 4-6.1.  
[416] Mr. Manning and Ms Sachs submit that the actions of the defendants constitute  
attempts to induce breaches of contracts between patients and health care providers. They  
submit that these actions constitute a widespread and persistent nuisance that can be  
effectively remedied only by injunction. The actions of the defendants are directed to prevent  
the lawful use of the premises of the clinics. In arguing that interference with a contract is  
actionable even when the interference falls short of causing an actual breach, counsel rely on  
Brazier, The Law of Torts, 8th ed. (1988), at p. 136; D.C. Thomson & Co. v. Deakin, [1952] 2  
All E.R. 361 (C.A.); Fleming, The Law of Torts, 6th ed. (1983), at p. 650; Torquay Hotel Co. v.  
Cousins, [1969] 1 All E.R. 522 (C.A.); and Hersees of Woodstock Ltd. v. Goldstein (1963), 38  
D.L.R. (2d) 449 at p. 450, 63 C.L.L.C. 666, [1963] 2 O.R. 81 (C.A.). It is also submitted that  
the activities of the defendants outside the clinics constitute “secondary picketing” within the  
meaning of R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery, supra at p. 177. Those defendants  
who do not picket are alleged to be counselling those who do and, thus, are engaged in a  
conspiracy to injure as applied in Hersees of Woodstock Ltd. v. Goldstein, supra, at p. 454,  
and R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery, supra, at p. 188.  
[417] Counsel submit that public nuisance is no longer confined to interference with property  
rights, particularly where public health is at issue, as held in United Nurses of Alberta v. A.-G.  
Alta. (1980), 124 D.L.R. (3d) 64 at p. 66, 61 C.C.C. (2d) 561,25 A.R. 69 (Q.B.); and A.-G. Ont.  
v. Orange Productions Ltd. (1971), 21 D.L.R. (3d) 257 at p. 268, [1971] 3 O.R. 585 (H.C.J.).  
[418] Mr. Manning further submits that the defendants libel Dr Colodny by the display of  
picket signs asserting that she kills unborn babies, the sign reading “Abortion butcher sent to  
jail” and the sign “Abortionists lie to women for money”. Both counsel refer to the tort of  
intimidation and to its censure of coercion by unlawful means. In this case, the unlawful  
means are said to be secondary picketing, watching and besetting, defamation and libel. It is  
further submitted that picketing which coerces and deters people from entering premises  
amounts to intimidation. Williams v. Aristocratic Restaurants (1947) Ltd., [1951] 3 D.L.R. 769,  
101 C.C.C. 273, [1951] S.C.R. 762, is distinguished on the basis that the defendants’  
intentions in the present case are to humiliate and intimidate vulnerable medical patients. This  
is contrasted to the labour dispute in that case, where such conduct must be viewed as part of  
a sanctioned economic context. While both counsel acknowledge that the exercise of the right  
of freedom of expression by one person may be upsetting and disturbing to another, they  
contend that “a line is crossed” when conduct creates a clear risk to physical health and when  
it interferes with the exercise of “constitutional rights” by others. They submit that the essence  
of this government action is to maintain a tranquil environment necessary for patients and  
physicians to safely undergo a medical procedure and to ensure the availability of and public  
access to that procedure.  
[419] A defendant need not be the sole source of a nuisance so long as the combined  
activities of the defendant and others amounts to a nuisance. It is therefore submitted that  
even if Ubertino’s conduct taken alone would not amount to a nuisance, she is still the proper  
subject of injunctive relief as her conduct, taken in conjunction with others, constitutes a  
nuisance: see Cassels, “Prostitution and Public Nuisance: Desperate Measures and the  
Limits of Civil Adjudication” (1985), 63 Can. Bar Rev. 764 at p. 793; Crossley and Sons Ltd. v.  
Lightowler (1867), 2 Ch. App. 478; McKie v. K.V.P. Co., [19481 3 D.L.R. 201, [1948] O.R.  
398, [1948] O.W.N. 386; affirmed [1949] 4 D.L.R. 497, [1949] S.C.R. 698; and Pride of Derby  
& Derbyshire Angling Ass’n Ltd. v. British Celanese, Ltd., [1952] 1 All E.R. 1326 (Ch. D.);  
affirmed [1953] 1 All E.R. 179 (C.A.).  
[420] Ms Sachs characterizes “sidewalk counselling” as entirely “patronizing” and without  
regard to the right of a woman to make decisions about her own body. Mr. Ruby argues it is  
“outrageous” for a woman to be humiliated as a condition to exercising a profoundly personal  
decision, particularly one underpinned by the constitutional values of privacy, liberty and  
equality. Both Ms Sachs and Mr. Ruby emphasize that the picketing and sidewalk counselling  
produce delay and thereby increase physical and emotional risks to health.  
[421] Ms Sachs further points out that abortion involves a decision made only by women and  
its societal effect impacts only on women. Accordingly, it is submitted that the Charter’s s. 15  
equality interests infuse a woman’s right of access to an abortion clinic. The clinics are often  
the only recourse for impoverished women, further underlining the equality implications of the  
requested relief. Thus, it is argued the fundamental commitment to tolerance and respect for  
individual autonomy reflected in the Charter’s freedoms of expression and equality justifies  
restrictions on the defendants’ rights and freedoms. Ms Sachs draws the court’s attention to  
Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The Queen, supra, and to Wilson J.’s descriptions of the  
decision to have an abortion as “a profound social and ethical” one, as “essentially a moral  
decision” and as falling within that class of fundamental personal decisions which is one of the  
cornerstones of the Charter (at p. 490).  
[422] With respect to freedom of religion, she emphasizes that R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd.  
(1985), 18 D.L.R. (4th) 321 at pp. 352-4 and 361, 18 C.C.C. (3d) 385, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 295,  
specifically exempts from protection those “manifestations” which injure one’s neighbours or  
interfere with their parallel rights to hold and manifest beliefs and opinions. Mr. Ruby submits  
that the defendants must provide evidence that their protest activity is required by their  
religion. This requirement reflects the reality that freedom of religion must have inherent  
limitations because every decision or practice in life could be motivated by a religious belief.  
[423] It is also submitted that freedom of conscience does not include either acts of  
disapproval of the beliefs of others or “day to day” decisions to act other ways. To fall within  
freedom of conscience, the belief must compel a person’s actions at all times. The court’s  
attention is directed to art. 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 21  
U.N.G.A. Res. Supp. 16, U.N. DOC. A/6316 at p. 52 (1966), in force for Canada, August 19,  
1976, Canada Treaty Series 1976, No. 47) which provides:  
1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This  
right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and  
freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to  
manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.  
2. No one shall be subject to coercion, which would impair his freedom to have or to  
adopt a religion or belief of his choice.  
3. Freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations  
as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety order, health, or  
morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others …  
(Emphasis added.)  
[424] Counsel also submit that the inherent limits to the scope of freedom of conscience and  
religion, recognized in Young v. Young, supra, apply with equal force in the context of s. 1.  
[425] Counsel for the interveners describe the objective of the injunction as the prevention of  
unnecessary risks to health. The application is directed only at those actions which may  
produce such risks. It is further argued that risks to a woman’s health cannot be balanced  
against “a foetal interest” as suggested by the defendants. This is because the jurisprudence  
recognizes “an interest in the foetus” which only government may assert. The defendants,  
therefore, have no status to assert a foetal interest. American case law giving priority to  
freedom of speech outside abortion clinics is contrasted with a greater “Canadian concern” for  
the protection of women as a vulnerable group, for the equality of women, and for unfettered  
access to medical services in the widest of terms.  
[426] Finally, Mr. Ruby has drawn the court’s attention to R. v. Swain (1991), 63 C.C.C. (3d)  
481 at pp. 510 and 514, [1991] 1 S.C.R. 933, 5 C.R. (4th) 253, where the Supreme Court of  
Canada considered whether a common law rule was consistent with an accused’s Charter  
right. Mr. Ruby and other counsel point out that Chief Justice Lamer, after finding a breach of  
the accused’s rights under s. 7, concluded that the judicial deference accorded to elected  
bodies in fashioning legislative policy is not appropriate where judges are reformulating  
common law rules in order to be upheld as reasonable limits under s. 1 of the Charter.  
(b) The defendants  
[427] The defendants submit that the Attorney-General is seeking to ban peaceful picketing  
only because of its anti-abortion message. The injunction sought is therefore “content  
specific”. The Attorney-General characterizes all anti-abortion protesting at the listed locations  
as harassing and intimidating, no matter how peaceful the protest. The Attorney-General, it is  
submitted, seeks to prohibit the public display of signs such as “Abortion kills babies” within  
500 feet of the specified locations, notwithstanding that this slogan, as she knows, is one  
traditionally used by pro-life proponents in Canada. Accordingly, the defendants submit that it  
is the belief in an idea which the Attorney-General seeks to characterize as a public nuisance.  
While the Attorney-General recognizes that the Roman Catholic Church describes abortion as  
“an abominable and unspeakable crime”, she nevertheless states that such language might  
be defamatory. This is because, in her view, the persistent use of such language is “an  
attempt to frighten, intimidate, harass and prevent people from exercising their choice of  
medical services…”.  
[428] The defendants place great emphasis on the Attorney-General’s acknowledgement  
that the injunction she seeks will infringe an individual’s freedom of expression and freedom  
of peaceful assembly and urge that the background to the commencement of this action is  
essential to understanding the Attorney-General’s position. Counsel submit that the  
determination by the Attorney-General that anti-abortion picketing constitutes a “public  
nuisance” was the product of several years of pro-choice lobbying, culminating in the release  
of the Task Force Report in December, 1992. The Task Force was admittedly one-sided,  
being composed only of pro-choice activists. One of the Task Force Report’s  
recommendations was that the Attorney-General seek a province-wide injunction against  
anti-abortion picketers. On March 23, 1993, the Canadian Abortion Rights Action League  
(“CARAL”) criticized the government for failing to take timely action against anti-abortion  
protestors. Ms Boyd met with representatives of CARAL and the clinics on March 26, 1993.  
The decision to seek this injunction was then made by the Attorney-General on April 9, 1993.  
While Ms Boyd states this action and the Report of the Task Force “have little or no  
connection to each other”, the defendants submit her motive for bringing these proceedings is  
to satisfy the pro-choice interest group by banning the expression of anti-abortion messages.  
[429] The defendants further urge that the delay by the plaintiff in bringing this action  
precludes the remedy requested. The government has been aware of anti-abortion picketing  
throughout Ontario since its election in September of 1990. On November 19, 1990, the  
Attorney-General, Howard Hampton, wrote to prosecutors stressing the need to “carefully  
consider” and advise police on possible cases involving the harassment of women seeking  
abortion services. In May of 1991, the government was criticized by the consultation group  
commissioned by the Minister of Health for failure to take steps to restrict picketing activities  
in the vicinity of abortion clinics. In the summer of 1992, the Ministry of the Attorney-General  
conducted some investigation into anti-abortion picketing in Ontario and hired a private  
investigator to attend at a National Pro-Life Conference in June, 1992. Most of the affidavits  
submitted by the Attorney-General in support of this motion, however, were not sworn until  
the spring of 1993, with the majority sworn in June of 1993.  
[430] The defendants submit this “gap” between the efforts to obtain evidence in the summer  
of 1992 and the actual collection of evidence in the spring of 1993 demonstrates a recognition  
that the picketing taking place has always been peaceful and on public property. Moreover,  
any court action following the bombing of the Morgentaler Clinic in the spring of 1992, was to  
have been brought by the clinics pursuant to funds made available to them for security  
purposes. They failed to act. It was only concluded that the picketing constituted a public  
nuisance when the Honourable Marion Boyd was appointed Attorney-General on Februarys,  
1993, and following the release of the Task Group Report in December of 1992. Accordingly,  
the defendants submit the motivation for the present motion clearly is political, improper and  
undeserving of this court’s consideration.  
[431] The defendants further submit that the Attorney-General does not have the standing to  
bring this action. It is urged that the conduct is “classic picketing” of a localized nature  
whereby any nuisance created is entirely private in nature. The defendants state that the  
present case is therefore unprecedented: see Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Stranges (1984),  
9 D.L.R. (4th) 629, 12 C.C.C. (3d) 455, 46 O.R. (2d) 452 (H.C.J.); affirmed 12 D.L.R. (4th)  
638n, 13 C.C.C. (3d) 575n, 47 O.R. (2d) 348n; A-G. Ont. v. Grabarchuk (1976), 67 D.L.R.  
(3d) 31, 11 O.R. (2d) 607 (Div. Ct.); A-G. Man. v. Adventure Flight Centres Ltd. (1983), 25  
C.C.L.T. 295, 22 Man. R. (2d) 142 (Q.B.); Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Bear Island  
Foundation (1989), 63 D.L.R. (4th) 756, [1990] 4 C.N.L.R. 25, 70 O.R. (2d) 758 (H.C.J.); and  
Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Yeotes (1980), 111 D.L.R. (3d) 488, 16 C.P.C. 60, 12 R.P.R.  
166 (Ont. H.C.J.).  
[432] Alternatively, the defendants submit that an application brought by the Attorney-  
General to restrain a public nuisance must meet the requirements of a “strong prima facie  
case on the merits” as well as demonstrating both proof of irreparable harm and the balance  
of convenience in her favour. The strength of a plaintiff’s case, as counsel contend, becomes  
the predominant concern where, speaking practically, the rights of parties will be finally  
determined on a motion for interlocutory relief: see Sharpe, Injunctions and Specific  
Performance, supra, at ss. 2.300 and 2.340. The defendants also point out that the extensive  
record before this court is typically not before a motions judge: see Yule Inc. v. Atlantic Pizza  
Delight Franchise (1968) Ltd. (1977), 80 D.L.R. (3d) 725, 35 C.P.R. (2d) 273,17 O.R. (2d) 505  
(Div. Ct.). In a related submission, the defendants argue that where the plaintiff seeks to  
restrain the publication of words and the defendant intends to justify the publication or defend  
on the basis of “fair comment” or “justification”, a court should not issue an injunction unless it  
is shown that the defendants were acting dishonestly or with malice: see Canada Metal Co. v.  
C.B.C. (1975), 55 D.L.R. (3d) 42n, 7 O.R. (2d) 261n (Div. Ct.); and Raymond E. Brown, The  
Law of Defamation in Canada (Toronto: Carswell, 1987), at pp. 1085-91.  
[433] With respect to the merits of the alleged public nuisance, Mr. Brown, on behalf of those  
defendants outside of Toronto, submits: (1) there is no evidence that any of these defendants  
have committed an assault or battery; (2) there is no evidence of trespass or mischief; (3)  
there has been no “watching and besetting” within the meaning of Williams v. Aristocratic  
Restaurants (1947) Ltd., supra, which held that peaceful picketing designed to communicate  
information is, per se, legal; (4) there has been no disturbance within the meaning of s. 175 of  
the Criminal Code; and (5) there is no unjustifiable or unfair comment to engage the personal  
action of defamation.  
[434] In respect of defamation, it is submitted that the signs carried by picketers are true in  
so far as they name doctors who perform abortions and constitute fair comment in so far as  
they claim babies are being killed. Counsel points out that most of the physicians  
acknowledge that doctors and expectant mothers, commonly refer to a foetus as a “baby”.  
The signs in question merely repeat expressions which have been publicly voiced for decades  
of pro-life demonstrations. Counsel draws the court’s attention to the opening statement in  
Ronald Dworkin’s book, Life’s Dominion: An Argument about Abortion, Euthanasia and  
Individual Freedom, supra, that “[a]bortion, which means deliberately killing a developing  
human embryo, and euthanasia, which means deliberately killing a person out of kindness,  
are both choices for death”.  
[435] Counsel contends that the defendants are engaged in expressive conduct and  
peaceful assembly in respect to an issue which has generated considerable public debate  
and protest in Canada for decades. The Attorney-General has conceded that the injunction  
sought would infringe the defendants’ freedom of assembly and expression. The protected  
elements of expression involved in picketing were recognized by the Supreme Court of  
Canada in R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd., supra, at p. 187, and B.C.G.E.U. v.  
British Columbia (Attorney-General), supra, at p. 23.  
[436] Mr. Brown further submits that the Attorney-General has failed to demonstrate an  
adequate justification for an encroachment on the defendants’ freedoms under s. 1. He  
emphasizes the lack of evidence about the number of abortions performed in Ontario or the  
impact caused by picketing on these numbers. Instead, it is the defendants who filed data  
indicating that the number of abortions performed in Ontario rose significantly during the  
1980s and has remained relatively constant since 1990. The alleged concern for medical risk  
to patients caused by picketing, Mr. Brown argues, is simply not borne out by the evidence in  
Brantford, Kingston, London and North Bay. The government adduced only anecdotal  
evidence concerning the number of practitioners willing to perform abortions. Mr. Brown,  
therefore, submits there is no evidence before the court concerning any decrease in the  
number of doctors in Ontario who perform abortions.  
[437] It is also counsel’s submission that the Attorney-General has failed to distinguish  
between peaceful and violent protest, seeking to treat both in the same way. Accordingly, the  
Attorney-General is not seeking an appropriately tailored response but rather a blanket  
prohibition of one form of expression. He places heavy reliance on American jurisprudence  
affording the highest priority to freedom of expression because of its inherent importance to a  
democracy; see Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe, 402 U.S. 415 (1971) at p. 418.  
[438] Counsel emphasizes the American recognition that public streets and sidewalks, even  
in residential areas, are traditional fora for the public expression of opinion: see Carey v.  
Brown, 447 U.S. 455 (1980) at p. 460. While the United States Supreme Court in Frisby v.  
Schultz, supra, has permitted some regulation of residential picketing of the homes of doctors  
who perform abortions, it is submitted that such regulation is judged against the stringent  
standards established for public fora in Perry Education Ass’n v. Perry Local Educators’  
Ass’n, 460 U.S. 37 (1983). Thus, statutes must be narrowly tailored to serve a significant  
government interest and leave open ample alternative channels for communication. For  
example, a municipal ordinance might permissibly restrict picketing on a definite course or  
route in front of a home, but cannot preclude all marching through residential neighbourhoods  
or even proceeding along a route in front of an entire block of houses: see Klebanoff v.  
McMonagly, 552 A.2d 677 (Pa. Super. 1988); Boffard v. Barnes, 591 A.2d 699 (N.J. Super.  
Ch. 1991); Valenzuela v. Aquino, 763 S.W. 2d 43 (Tex. App-Corpus Christie 1988); error  
granted 800 S.W. 2d 301 (Tex. App-Corpus Christie 1990); varied 853 S.W. 2d 512 (Tex.  
App-Corpus Christie 1993).  
[439] In respect of the picketing of doctors’ offices, Mr. Brown submits that where there is  
aggressive picketing which blocks access to buildings, American state courts are prepared to  
fashion a narrow “bubble-zone” in which picketing is not permitted. However, peaceful  
picketing on public property does not attract restraint: see Mississippi Women’s Medical Clinic  
v. MacMillan, 866 F.2d 788 (U.S.C.A., 5th Cir. 1989). Even where anti-abortion demonstrators  
engage in loud and aggressive conduct in front of abortion clinics, American courts narrowly  
tailor injunctions, usually “pushing” the demonstrators across the street: see Planned  
Parenthood Assn. of San Mateo County v. Holy Angels Catholic Church, 765 F. Supp. 617  
(N.D. Cal. 1991); Fargo Women’s Health Organization Inc. v. Lambs of Christ, 488 N.W. 2d  
401 (N.D. 1992); Horizon Health Center v. Felicissimo, 622 A.2d 891 (N.J. Super. A.D. 1993).  
[440] Mr. Brown relies on the Supreme Court of Canada decision in RJR-Macdonald Inc. v.  
Canada (Attorney-General) (1994), 111 D.L.R. (4th) 385, 54 C.P.R. (3d) 114, [1994] 1 S.C.R.  
311, which expands on the principles laid down in Manitoba (Attorney-General) v.  
Metropolitan Stores (MTS) Ltd. (1987), 38 D.L.R. (4th) 321, [1987] 1 S.C.R. 110, 87 C.L.L.C.  
¶14,015. He submits the plaintiff has not demonstrated a sufficiently strong case or  
irreparable harm to support the requested relief. There is no evidence that women have been  
prevented from having abortions, that they have been impeded from entering abortion  
facilities or that the number of abortion providers is declining. The fact that women are being  
challenged on their decision to abort does not constitute irreparable harm. On the other hand,  
counsel submits the defendants will suffer irreparable harm to their Charter rights if the  
injunction is granted. Finally, Mr. Brown submits that there is absolutely no basis for the  
issuance of an injunction against Errol Alchin whose only “offence” was to speak to the  
Brantford Expositor about a “life chain”.  
[441] Mr. Jervis, on behalf of those defendants residing or active within the Metropolitan  
Toronto area, submits that the picketing and sidewalk counselling in front of Toronto abortion  
clinics is lawful and that the Attorney-General cannot meet the standard test for injunctive  
relief having regard to the doctrine of laches and other irregularities associated with the  
proceedings. He argues that the injunction sought will violate the Charter rights of the  
defendants and other citizens of the Province of Ontario, including the right of passers-by and  
patients of abortion clinics to receive information on the public sidewalks and streets. He  
contends that the injunction sought is arbitrary, overly broad, politically motivated and cannot  
be justified pursuant to s. 1 of the Charter.  
[442] Mr. Jervis submits that the picketing and sidewalk counselling is peaceful and cannot  
be characterized as “secondary”. He farther relies on Peterborough (City) v. Ramsden (1993),  
106 D.L.R. (4th) 233, [1993] 2 S.C.R. 1084, 23 C.R. (4th) 391, which held that a municipal  
by-law totally prohibiting a traditional form of expression on public property is unconstitutional.  
[443] Counsel submits that the defendants have purposely chosen to act in a peaceful and  
lawful manner in order to continue to be able to communicate information and provide offers  
of assistance through the Aid to Women Centre. It is because of the peaceful conduct of the  
current picketers that the government and interveners have placed such emphasis on conduct  
which occurred more than five years ago. For example, Choice in Health, in its evidence,  
made only one reference to picketing during the six-month period prior to June 18, 1993,  
when the affidavit of Margaret Hancock was sworn.  
[444] Mr. Jervis emphasizes, as does Mr. Brown, the nature of the public streets. It is  
submitted that from “time immemorial” the public streets have been held as a “sacred trust”  
for the expression of democratic ideals. Also drawn to the court’s attention was John Stuart  
Mill’s statement that “the suppression of opinion is wrong because it is only by the collision of  
adverse opinions that truth is discovered or confirmed”: see John Stuart Mill, On Liberty  
(1859).  
[445] Mr. Jervis emphasizes the absence of evidence that any patient has actually suffered a  
complication in an abortion procedure caused by the presence of picketing or even by the  
serious blockades which occurred four or five years ago in Ontario. Furthermore, there is no  
evidence that any delay occasioned by the mass picketing of previous years caused any  
complication to a patient. He also points out that many doctors and clinics recommend a  
delay to patients who are ambivalent or unclear about their decision. Indeed, he suggests that  
the only patients likely to delay their abortions as a result of picketers are those who are  
uncertain about the decision. These patients, as a result of their ambivalence, may respond to  
the offers of assistance and information provided by pro-life picketers or sidewalk counsellors.  
Great emphasis is placed on the fact that a pro-life picketer or sidewalk counsellor cannot  
communicate or sidewalk counsel 500 feet away from an abortion clinic. And a woman  
entering an abortion clinic will be unable to receive information from a sidewalk counsellor  
who cannot be present in front of the clinic.  
[446] Mr. Jervis submits that Toronto abortion clinics have been able to provide abortions to  
thousands of patients on an annual basis for the past five years. He disputes that they could  
be interfered with by the peaceful and intermittent picketing of only two or three picketers.  
Given that the number of abortions at the various clinics has remained constant and that no  
patient has been prevented from access to an abortion clinic over the last number of years,  
Mr. Jervis submits the balance of convenience clearly favours the status quo.  
[447] Like Mr. Manning, Mr. Jervis emphasizes the holding in R. v. Salituro, supra, that  
common law rules be applied in a manner consistent with the Charter. He submits those  
common law rules relied on by the plaintiff must be construed with the awareness that  
picketing, sidewalk counselling, and pamphlet distribution, are forms of expression which  
attract constitutional protection. Mr. Jervis also stresses that a balancing of competing  
interests cannot occur in defining the scope of the freedom in issue: see R. v. Keegstra  
(1990), 61 C.C.C. (3d) 1, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697, 1 C.R. (4th) 129; Ford v. Quebec (Attorney-  
General) (1988), 54 D.L.R. (4th) 577, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 712, 10 C.H.R.R. D/5559; Rocket v.  
Royal College of Dental Surgeons (1990), 71 D.L.R. (4th) 68, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 232, 47 C.R.R.  
193; and Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada (1991), 77 D.L.R. (4th)  
385, [1991] 1 S.C.R. 139, 4 C.R.R. (2d) 60.  
[448] The court is urged to have regard to the fundamental nature of freedom of expression  
acknowledged in Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney-General) (1989), 58 D.L.R. (4th) 577, 25  
C.P.R. (3d) 417, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927, and to the very broad protection afforded by s. 2(b) to  
expression, including political speech, commercial expression, secondary picketing, soliciting  
for the purposes of prostitution, pornography, the propagation of injurious falsehoods, hate  
literature, and the distribution of pamphlets and the placing of posters on public property: see  
Edmonton Journal v. Alberta (Attorney-General) (1989), 64 D.L.R. (4th) 577, [1989] 2 S.C.R.  
1326, 41 C.P.C. (2d) 109; Reference re: ss. 193 and 195.1(1)(c) of the Criminal Code (Man.)  
(1990), 56 C.C.C. (3d) 65, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123, 77 C.R. (3d) 1; R. v. Keegstra, supra;  
Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra; R. v. Butler (1992), 89 D.L.R.  
(4th) 449, 70 C.C.C. (3d) 129, [1992] 1 S.C.R. 452; R. v. Zundel (1992), 95 D.L.R. (4th) 202,  
75 C.C.C. (3d) 449, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 731; Peterborough (City) v. Ramsden, supra; Ford v.  
Quebec (Attorney-General), supra; Boucher v. The King, [1951] 2 D.L.R. 369, 99 C.C.C. 1,  
[1951] S.C.R. 265 at p. 288, per Rand J.; Switzman v. Elbling (1957), 7 D.L.R. (2d) 337 at pp.  
356-8, 117 C.C.C. 129, [1957] S.C.R. 285, per Rand J.; and Fraser v. Canada (Public Service  
Staff Relations Board) (1985), 23 D.L.R. (4th) 122 at p. 131, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 455, 9 C.C.E.L.  
233, per Dickson C.J.C. Mr. Jervis places considerable emphasis on the holding in Ford,  
supra, that commercial expression is protect[ed] under s. 2(b) because it “protected listeners  
as well as speakers” and is “significant” in “enabling individuals to make informed economic  
choices” which is “an important aspect of individual self-fulfilment and personal autonomy”.  
[449] It is submitted on behalf of the defendants that both the content and the form of  
expression are protected under s. 2(b) of the Charter and that traditional forms of expression  
are therefore clearly protected: see Reference re: ss. 193 and 195.1(1)(c) of the Criminal  
Code, supra, per Lamer J. at pp. 111-12. The interests of the state in regulating the use of  
and access to both public and private property may be legitimate interests in sustaining a  
limitation on freedom of expression. However, such interests are not to be considered when  
defining the scope of freedom of expression: see Irwin Toy Ltd., supra, per Dickson C.J.C. at  
pp. 632-3; Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada, supra, per L’Heureux-Dubé J. at  
p. 430, and per McLachlin J. at pp. 453-5.  
[450] Counsel submits that even if the government’s purpose is not to restrict freedom of  
expression, a citizen may still successfully invoke his or her Charter right on establishing that  
the effect of a government initiative is to constrain freedom of expression. Under this part of  
the Irwin Toy test, the citizen merely has to establish that the expressive activity promotes  
one of the interests underlying s. 2(b), such as the pursuit of truth, the encouragement of  
community participation or the fostering of human fulfilment: see Irwin Toy Ltd., supra, per  
Dickson, C.J.C. at p. 612, and R. v. Keegstra, supra, per Dickson C.J.C. at pp. 23-4. On the  
facts at hand, counsel emphasizes that both the purpose and the effect of the injunction  
sought will significantly limit traditional forms of freedom of expression in the most traditional  
of public fora, public streets. The ability to exercise these freedoms at the most effective  
locations, counsel urges, is part of our political heritage. The order requested would also  
seriously limit the right of women considering abortion to receive information which has been  
beneficial to many.  
[451] Mr. Jervis submits the defendants are motivated in their sidewalk counselling,  
picketing, protesting and expression about abortion by profoundly and conscientiously held  
religious beliefs. Therefore, because they are compelled by their religious beliefs, the acts of  
picketing and sidewalk counselling are as much an exercise of religious freedom and religious  
expression as they are political expression. The court is reminded that the act of “practising”  
and “manifesting” a religious belief is protected by s. 2(a) of the Charter: see Big M Drug Mart,  
supra, per Dickson J. at pp. 353-4 and 362; Zylberberg v. Sudbury Board of Education  
(Director) (1988), 52 D.L.R. (4th) 577 at pp. 588-9, 34 C.R.R. 1, 65 O.R. (2d) 641; Edwards  
Books, supra, per Dickson J. at p. 34-5; and R. v. Jones (1986), 31 D.L.R. (4th) 569 at pp.  
578-9, 28 C.C.C. (3d) 513, [1986] 2 S.C.R. 284, per Wilson J.  
[452] With respect to s. 15 of the Charter, Mr. Jervis submits that the injunction sought by the  
Attorney-General will, in both purpose and effect, single out those who picket, sidewalk  
counsel or express views on only one side of the abortion debate. There is no similar  
limitation sought for those who wish to speak or “counsel” from a pro-choice perspective. It is  
submitted the Attorney-General seeks, therefore, to discriminate against those whose  
profoundly held religious and moral views oppose current government policy, contrary to  
Andrews v. Law Society of British Columbia (1989), 56 D.L.R. (4th) 1 at pp. 15-16, [1989] 1  
S.C.R. 143, 25 C.C.E.L. 255, per McIntrye J.; McKinney v. University of Guelph (1990), 76  
D.L.R. (4th) 545 at p. 608, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 229,13 C.H.R.R. D/171, per Wilson J.; R. v. Swain  
(1991), 63 C.C.C. (3d) 481 at pp. 520-1, [1991] 1 S.C.R. 933, 5 C.R. (4th) 253, per Lamer  
C.J.C.; and R. v. Turpin (1989), 48 C.C.C. (3d) 8 at pp. 34-5, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 1296, 69 C.R.  
(3d) 97, per Wilson J.  
[453] Counsel emphasizes American jurisprudence to the effect that the true test of the right  
to free speech is the degree of protection it affords speech that is “unpopular, unpleasant,  
disturbing or even despised”: see City of Houston v. Hill, 482 U.S. 451 (1987) at p. 462, n. 11.  
The United States Supreme Court has also recognized that religious speech, including  
preaching and public prayer, is accorded full protection under the First Amendment: see  
Widmar v. Vincent, 454 U.S. 263 (1981) at pp. 269-70; Ex Parte: Tucci, 859 S.W. 2d 1 (Tex.  
S. Ct. 1993). Indeed, numerous American courts have recognized, in precisely the context of  
pro-life activities outside of abortion clinics, that picketing, sidewalk counselling and other  
peaceful forms of communication are entitled to constitutional protection. In this regard,  
reference is made to Cheffer v. McGregor, 6 F.3d 705 (11th Cir. 1993); Mississippi Women’s  
Medical Clinic v. MacMillan, supra; Cannon v. City & County of Denver, 998 F.2d 867 (U.S.  
C.A. 10th Cir. 1993).  
[454] American courts have also refused to enjoin those who “[seek] through verbal means,  
to persuade women not to seek the services of abortion clinics and to impress upon members  
of society the moral rightness and intensity of their opposition to abortion” because such  
activities are deemed protected by the First Amendment: see N.O.W. v. Operation Rescue,  
914 F.2d 582 at p. 586 (U.S. C.A. 4th Cir. 1990); Bray v. Alexandria Women’s Health Clinic,  
113 S. Ct. 753 (1993). Public sidewalks and streets are treated as traditional public fora for  
the purpose of free speech. American courts have rejected the argument that free speech can  
be limited at one location on the basis that it can be exercised at another: see Hague v.  
Committee for Industrial Organization, 307 U.S. 496 (1939); United States v. Grace, 461 U.S.  
171 (1983) at pp. 176-7; Iskon v. Lee, 112 S. Ct. 2701 at pp. 2705-6; Schneider v. State of  
New Jersey, 308 U.S. 147 (1939) at p. 163; Meyer v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414 (1988) at p. 424.  
[455] The United States Supreme Court, counsel points out, has held that injunctions  
restraining free speech trigger the application of a strict doctrine of “prior restraint”. Therefore,  
they are granted in only the most exceptional circumstances, as demonstrated by the National  
Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie, 432 U.S. 43 (1977); New York Times Co. v.  
United States, 403 U.S. 713 (1971); Organization for a Better Austin v. Keefe, 402 U.S. 415  
(1971); and N.A.A.C.P. v. Claiborne Hardware Co., 458 U.S. 886 (1982) at p. 924, n. 67.  
Authority for the proposition that the United States Constitution protects the right to receive  
information in a public fora as well as the right to communicate information is said to be found  
in Stanley v. Georgia, 394 U.S. 557 (1969), at p. 564, and Federal Way Family Physicians  
Inc. v. Tacoma Stands Up for Life, 106 Wash. 2d 261 (Wash. S. Ct. 1986).  
[456] Counsel argues, similar to Mr. Brown, that the injunction sought cannot survive the  
application of s. 1. While the stated objective is to ensure access to a necessary health  
service, the evidence fails to establish that any patient has been denied access to an abortion  
clinic in Toronto for a number of years. Accordingly, the complete restriction of peaceful  
picketing and peaceful communication including peaceful prayer does not advance the  
government’s stated interest in ensuring access to a safe medical service. Mr. Jervis submits  
there is also little rational connection between the complete ban sought and the government’s  
stated objective of ensuring access to a safe medical service. The injunction will prevent  
patients from receiving information they are entitled to receive on a public street and the  
defendants and other citizens will be restricted in the peaceful communication, peaceful  
picketing and peaceful religious activities they are entitled to carry out on these streets.  
[457] The government, according to counsel, has not sought to tailor the injunction to protect  
a specific legitimate interest and this is not a case, counsel submits, where the court should  
defer to legislative “line drawing”. There is no legislation. There is, as well, no proportionality  
between the impact on the defendants of the remedy sought and the objectives of the  
government. Indeed, the Attorney-General seeks to violate a fundamental tradition of access  
to the public streets for peaceful expression: see Perry Education Ass’n. v. Perry Local  
Educators’ Ass’n., supra; Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada, supra, per Lamer  
C.J.C. at pp. 390-4; Moon, “Access to Public and Private Property under Freedom of  
Expression” (1983), 20 Ottawa L. Rev. 339; Moon, “Freedom of Expression and Property  
Rights” (1988), 52 Sask. L. Rev. 243; Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada, supra, vol.2, at pp.  
40-25 to 40-27; R. v. Chaulk (1990), 62 C.C.C. (3d) 193 at pp. 220-1, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 1303, 2  
C.R. (4th) 1, per Lamer C.J.C.; and Kalven, The Concept of Public Forum: Cox v. Louisiana,  
[1965] Sup. Ct. Rev. 1.  
[458] Mr. Jervis asks that the application be dismissed and that the defendants be  
compensated for their full costs on a solicitor-and-client basis. In making this latter  
submission, counsel argues that the Attorney-General has chosen to use the court rather than  
the legislative process to implement public policy. In doing so, the Attorney-General has  
arbitrarily chosen 18 persons as defendants, some of whom do not picket or have not  
picketed for many years. These defendants have been required to bear extraordinary legal  
costs for this process. The Attorney-General has supported the intervention of the three  
Toronto abortion clinics and, it is submitted, is likely paying their legal fees. Furthermore, the  
Attorney-General commenced this application notwithstanding the opinion of the  
government’s Task Group that injunctions are “blunt and poorly focused” and that legislative  
options, including more limited “bubble-zone legislation” be considered. The Attorney-General  
also commenced this application without specific consultation with the pro-life movement or  
with public justice organizations such as the Canadian Bar Association or the Canadian Civil  
Liberties Association.  
[459] On behalf of Ubertino, Mr. Lauwers submits that the Attorney-General has failed to  
establish any basis for the orders sought. He requests that the motion be dismissed with  
costs on a solicitor-and-client basis. He stresses that the approach of the court must remain  
fact specific in regard to each individual defendant. Mr. Lauwers argues that Ubertino’s  
activities are not only protected by the Charter, they are within the norms of ordinary  
behaviour. As the wife of a pastor in the Ukrainian Catholic Church, Ubertino believes  
individuals are called by God to live life as a whole person whereby their religious faith and  
daily lives are fully integrated. He emphasizes her belief that abortion is violent and sinful, a  
belief consistent with the teaching of the Catholic church which speaks of abortion as an  
“abominable crime”.  
[460] Ubertino’s involvement is said to be unrelated to the activities of any of her co-  
defendants. Her behaviour arose from being pregnant and finding herself walking by a clinic  
where the death of babies was sought. Counsel denies that Ubertino’s invitation to others is  
an effort to create “a mass protest or a mass prayer presence”. Mr. Lauwers emphasizes the  
fact that it is only on the first Friday of each month that Ubertino and a few of her friends meet  
at Wellesley and Parliament Streets for a brief prayer. They walk down Parliament Street to  
Amelia Street and back, praying silently, for an hour. It is not their practice to carry or read  
from bibles, clasp their hands, dangle rosaries or posture. He submits they do not stop in front  
of the clinic, walk together on the sidewalk, carry any pickets or signs, or accost women going  
into the clinic. Because Choice in Health is situated in a medical centre, it is impossible to  
know who is going in for an abortion. Ubertino and her friends do not initiate conversation,  
although for a time they handed out flyers to those who would take them.  
[461] Ubertino, counsel submits, does not want the clinic staff or users to be afraid, to  
wonder what she and her friends are doing, or to be provoked by them. That is why she has  
been completely open about her activities and intentions through her letters. Mr. Lauwers  
stresses that the timing, on Fridays, and the nature of Ubertino’s activity are in the tradition of  
Catholic Christianity, as was the praying aloud of the Stations of the Cross on the first Fridays  
of April of 1992 and 1993. The icon now carried by Ubertino and her friends is, as well, a  
detail of Christian culture in the Eastern Christian tradition. Mr. Lauwers agrees that Ubertino  
is not required by the strictures of her religion to carry out her prayer activities, but he argues  
that these activities truly reflect the traditions and practices of the Ukrainian Catholic church of  
which she is a member.  
[462] He emphasizes that patients are not targeted or pursued and that people are not  
compelled to seek or accept a flyer or to look at the icon. It is his submission that Ubertino’s  
activities and her presence are intended only to communicate. She directs her message to  
the public at large and also to the clinic staff and users. He therefore disputes that his client’s  
activities constitute watching and besetting or that they constitute picketing in the traditional  
sense. She has no connection to Campaign Life Canada nor is there evidence that she  
conspires with the defendants who are so associated. Without a sign and by remaining silent,  
Ubertino’s activities are totally unlike those of the other defendants. Ubertino’s activities,  
counsel submits, do not amount to physical intimidation, threats or harassment nor is there a  
rational basis upon which they could be so characterized.  
[463] Mr. Lauwers submits that there is no serious issue to be tried in relation to the  
defendant Ubertino. There is no evidence to support the allegation that she “engaged in a  
persistent course of conduct” which, by words used orally in relation to physicians and by  
words and images on signs referrable to physicians providing abortion services, is defamatory  
of them individually or as a group. Nor, he submits, is there evidence to support the implicit  
allegation that her activities are capable of constituting a private nuisance, as a foundation for  
the Attorney-General to elevate such activity to the status of a public nuisance. He further  
submits there is no evidence to support the allegation that Ubertino’s conduct has “a serious  
negative impact on the health and security of abortion patients, and the safety and privacy of  
abortion service providers and their families”. Thus, there is no irreparable harm in relation to  
her activities and the balance of convenience cannot be in favour of granting an injunction.  
[464] Mr. Lauwers submits that if an injunction was granted, it would interfere with Ubertino’s  
freedom of conscience and religion, her freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression,  
and her freedom of peaceful assembly, which are all protected by the Canadian Charter of  
Rights and Freedoms. With respect to the freedom of religion, Mr. Lauwers places great  
emphasis on “the right to declare religious beliefs openly” and “to manifest religious belief  
by… practice… and dissemination” as held in R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd., supra, at pp. 353-4.  
Reliance is also placed on Hogg, Constitutional Law of Canada, supra, at p. 39-4, and  
Saumur v. City of Quebec, [1953] 4 D.L.R. 641, 106 C.C.C. 289, [1953] 2 S.C.R. 299, in  
disputing that freedom of religion is limited to those manifestations that are “required” by a  
religious doctrine, dogma or practice. He distinguishes Jack and Charlie v. The Queen (1985),  
21 D.L.R. (4th) 641, 21 C.C.C. (3d) 481, [1985] 2 S.C.R. 332, as a pre-Charter case where  
freedom of religion was not found to have been engaged as a matter of fact. Like Mr.  
Manning, Mr. Lauwers relies on Art. 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political  
Rights providing in relation to freedom of religion or belief the corollary freedom to manifest “in  
public” one’s religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.  
[465] Mr. Lauwers also contends that Ubertino’s activities have an expressive purpose and  
where freedom of religion and freedom of expression are associated, the principles applicable  
to the latter should govern: see Young v. Young, supra, per McLachlin J. at p. 276. Reference  
is made to former Chief Justice Dickson’s observation at p. 606 in Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec  
(1989), 58 D.L.R. (4th) 577, 25 C.P.R. (3d) 417, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927, that freedom of  
expression is entrenched “to ensure that everyone may manifest their thoughts, opinions,  
beliefs, indeed all expressions from the heart and mind, however unpopular, distasteful or  
contrary to the mainstream”.  
[466] Counsel submits that the Attorney-General and the interveners seek to elevate the  
functional rule established by the Supreme Court of Canada relating to the use of public  
property in Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at pp. 395-6 into  
a principle of law that “an individual’s freedom of expression may also be circumscribed by  
the interests of others.” He submits they attempt to join this reconstructed principle with the  
claim that a person has a right not to hear a message. The result, he argues, would be to  
deprive Ubertino of the use of the public sidewalk on Parliament Street in front of the clinic  
notwithstanding that her activities do not interfere with the functional use of the sidewalk. It  
would have the effect of depriving her claim for freedom of expression of any substantive  
content. He submits that this is entirely contrary to R. v. Irwin Toy Ltd., supra, at p. 606 which  
held that freedom of expression applies to information and ideas that “offend, shock or disturb  
the state or any sector of the population…” having regard to the demands of “pluralism,  
tolerance and broad-mindedness without which there is no ‘democratic society’”.  
[467] Finally, in respect to freedom of peaceful assembly, Mr. Lauwers submits that an  
injunction against Jane Ubertino would interfere with her right of peaceful assembly under  
s. 2(c) of the Charter. Because her conduct can only be characterized as peaceful and in  
association with freedom of religion and freedom of expression, he contends it is  
unacceptable to argue that “such infringement is trivial and insubstantial”, as the Attorney-  
General does. He argues that it would be dangerous to create a prohibited class of speech  
that is based upon a subjective view of harm. This would create a chilling or self-censoring  
effect because people cannot know what might cause upset in another. He also argues that  
the government is trying to control “public speech” and there are no such reasonable limits in  
a free and democratic society.  
[468] Prior to the release of these reasons, the court’s attention was directed to the decision  
of the United States Supreme Court, released June 30,1994, in Madsen v. Women’s Health  
Center Inc., [1994] U.S. Lexis 5097, which upheld, in part, a 36-foot buffer zone around a  
Florida abortion clinic, while finding a 300-foot no-approach zone burdened speech more than  
was necessary and that a 300-foot buffer zone around staff residences was more sweeping  
than necessary.  
VI  
APPLICATION OF THE LAW TO THE FACTS  
(a) Standing of the Attorney-General  
[469] The status of the Attorney-General to bring this action is based on the combined effect  
of her right, acting on behalf of the Crown as parens patriae, to sue in the civil courts in  
respect of a flouting of the law contrary to the public interest and an Attorney-General’s  
exclusive right to seek to enjoin conduct constituting a public nuisance. The parens patriae  
role of the Attorney-General was described by Pearce L.J. in Attorney-General v. Harris,  
[1961] 1 Q.B. 74 at p. 92, in these terms:  
It is now firmly established that where an individual or a public body persistently breaks  
the law, and where there is no person or no sufficient sanction to prevent the breaches,  
these courts in an action by the Attorney-General may lend their aid to secure  
obedience to the law. They may do so whether the breaches be an invasion of public  
rights of property or merely an invasion of the community’s general right to have the  
laws of the land obeyed.  
[470] And at p. 95:  
…the Attorney-General represents the community, which has a larger and wider interest  
in seeing that the laws are obeyed and order maintained.  
[471] This right was described in more detail in Gouriet v. Union of Post Office Workers,  
[1978] A.C. 435 (H.L.) at pp. 482, 494, 510, and has been followed in Canada in such cases  
as Attorney-General for Ontario v. Grabarchuk (1976), 67 D.L.R. (3d) 31, 11 O.R. (2d) 607  
(Div. Ct.); A.-G. Ont. v. Yeotes (1980), 111 D.L.R. (3d) 488 at pp. 497-8, 16 C.P.C. 60, 28  
O.R. (2d) 577 (H.C.J.); and A.-G. Ont. v. C.U.P.E. (1981), 119 D.L.R. (3d) 428, 20 C.P.C.  
208, 31 O.R. (2d) 618 (H.C.J.). There is, however, some uncertainty over whether the right  
extends to the enforcement of more personal legal rights such as defamation, inducing  
breach of contract or even civil conspiracy. But in these proceedings, the Attorney-General  
also relies on alleged breaches of both criminal and public trespass laws and, importantly, on  
public nuisance which appears to be a very broad category of justification. The wide reach of  
public nuisance was reviewed by Romer L.J. in Attorney-General v. P.Y.A. Quarries, Ltd.,  
[1957] 1 All E.R. 894 (C.A.) at p. 902, where he stated:  
I do not propose to attempt a more precise definition of a public nuisance than those  
which emerge from the text-books and authorities to which I have referred. It is,  
however, clear, in my opinion, that any nuisance is “public” which materially affects the  
reasonable comfort and convenience of life of a class of Her Majesty’s subjects. The  
sphere of the nuisance may be described generally as “the neighbourhood”; but the  
question whether the local community within that sphere comprises a sufficient number  
of persons to constitute a class of the public is a question of fact in every case. It is not  
necessary, in my judgment, to prove that every member of the class has been injuriously  
affected; it is sufficient to show that a representative cross-section of the class has been  
so affected for an injunction to issue.  
[472] In that same decision, Denning L.J. described the difference between public and  
private nuisance in these terms at p. 908:  
I entirely agree with the judgment of Romer, L.J., and have little to add. Counsel for the  
defendants raised at the outset this question: What is the difference between a public  
nuisance and a private nuisance? He is right to raise it because it affects his clients  
greatly. The order against them restrains them from committing a public nuisance, not a  
private one. The classic statement of the difference is that a public nuisance affects Her  
Majesty’s subjects generally, whereas a private nuisance only affects particular  
individuals. But this does not help much. The question: when do a number of individuals  
become Her Majesty’s subjects generally? is as difficult to answer as the question: when  
does a group of people become a crowd? Everyone has his own views. Even the  
answer “Two’s company, three’s a crowd” will not command the assent of those present  
unless they first agree on “which two”. So here I decline to answer the question how  
many people are necessary to make up Her Majesty’s subjects generally. I prefer to look  
to the reason of the thing and to say that a public nuisance is a nuisance which is so  
widespread in its range or so indiscriminate in its effect that it would not be reasonable  
to expect one person to take proceedings on his own responsibility to put a stop to it, but  
that it should be taken on the responsibility of the community at large.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[473] Most texts begin with a statement that “public nuisance is a crime”, as observed by  
McLachlin J. in Stein v. Gonzales (1984), 14 D.L.R. (4th) 263 at pp. 264-5, 31 C.C.L.T. 19,  
[1984] 6 W.W.R. 428 (B.C.S.C.). This might suggest that in a country like ours, where the  
criminal law has been exhaustively codified and common law crimes abolished, public  
nuisance would be a very limited if not totally unviable basis for civil liability. However, in A.-G.  
B.C. v. Couillard, supra, McEachern C.J.S.C. declined to so narrowly construe public  
nuisance. Instead, he held that the Attorney-General had standing to bring proceedings for  
the enforcement of any law within the province. He defined a private nuisance as something  
which unduly interferes with the comfortable and convenient enjoyment of a person’s land. He  
found that a normal and legitimate way of proving a public nuisance is to prove a sufficiently  
large collection of similar private nuisances, relying on Denning L.J.’s judgment in Attorney-  
General v. P.Y.A. Quarries, Ltd., supra. This prompted Professor Jamie Cassels in  
“Prostitution and Public Nuisance: Desperate Measures and the Limits of Civil Adjudication”  
(1985), 63 Can. Bar Rev. 764 at p. 782, to write:  
While reference can be found in the Canadian jurisprudence to the effect that public  
nuisance is a crime, the issue whether criminal conduct is a necessary condition of civil  
liability has not been explicitly addressed. Authors and courts continue to pay lip service  
to the connection between public nuisance and crime, but the analysis of civil liability for  
public nuisance tends to ignore it entirely. It is simply not clear whether the civil  
injunction for public nuisance is an ancillary criminal remedy only, or whether public  
nuisance has become an independent common law wrong.  
In the United States it would appear that the concept of “criminal conduct” for the  
purpose of nuisance liability has been so broadly defined that it has ceased to operate  
as a significant limitation and a review of English and criminal case law leads to the  
same conclusion. No case has been found in which an action for public nuisance has  
failed because the defendant’s conduct has not been proven criminal. In at least one  
case there is dicta to the effect that the Attorney General may seek to enjoin a public  
nuisance, “not because it is declared to be illegal, but because of its character. The act  
itself may be perfectly legal, and it may be an unfortunate combination of circumstances  
which constitutes it a nuisance”. In the absence of a clear criminality requirement, it  
would appear that the jurisdiction of the courts to regulate public conduct is not limited  
by existing legislation and that there remains a residual common law jurisdiction to  
define and protect public rights. It therefore, becomes necessary to search elsewhere for  
the boundaries of public nuisance.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[474] In the process of then identifying the boundaries of public nuisance, Professor Cassels  
at p. 784 evaluates the case law and its purpose in these terms:  
Public nuisance remains a remedy in search of a right. While concepts of private  
property cannot easily be applied, I would suggest that at the core of public nuisance  
lies a concern to protect the use and enjoyment of public resources and facilities. The  
vast majority of public nuisance actions, which are not simply based on the widespread  
interference with private property, concern the pollution of public lands and water, the  
obstruction of roads and waterways, interference with public facilities and the creation of  
dangerous conditions on public property. Once the court moves out of this core area, it  
becomes more difficult to base intervention on established nuisance concepts and we  
move into the far more problematic area of injunctions to enforce the criminal law, or  
even more controversially, to regulate public conduct that neither violates the criminal  
law nor interferes with public resources.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[475] Underlying this action is the desire of the Attorney-General to protect health care, a  
public resource, and specifically the provision of abortion services. Many of the locations are  
facilities which the government has licensed and funded to deliver these services. Other  
locations are the homes and offices of health care providers whose cooperation is essential  
for the delivery of such public services. In light of this public resource purpose, I am satisfied  
the Attorney-General has the standing to enforce all the laws she relies on in this proceeding:  
see Attorney-General v. P.Y.A. Quarries, supra, at pp. 900-1; Attorney-General v. Churchill’s  
Veterinary Sanatorium Ltd., [1910] 2 Ch. 401; Attorney-General v. George C. Smith Ltd.,  
[1909] 2 Ch. 524; and A-G. Ont. v. Canadian Wholesale Grocers Ass’n (1922), 52 O.L.R. 536  
at p. 547,22 O.W.N. 546 (H.C.J.); affirmed [1923] 2 D.L.R. 617, 39 C.C.C. 272, 53 O.L.R. 627  
(S.C. App. Div.). Indeed, to deny her standing would be to invite a multiplicity of proceedings  
with potentially disparate results. This is a concern which motivates the granting of public  
injunctions to control collections of private nuisances. For example, in Stein v. Gonzales,  
supra, at p. 265, in dealing with an application by a group of private property owners to  
restrain prostitution activity in their neighbourhood, McLachlin J. stated:  
As long as the suffering or inconvenience is general, there is no place for independent  
intervention by private citizens. This rule, which prevents individuals from taking upon  
themselves the role of champions of the public interest, has been said to be established  
“for the purpose of preventing oppression by means of a multiplicity of civil actions for  
the same cause”…  
[476] McLachlin J. pointed to the value of not dealing with problems of the same origin on a  
piecemeal basis without regard to the larger policy considerations which may be apparent to  
those charged with the duty of enforcing public rights (at pp. 267-8). This type of pragmatism  
infuses public nuisance doctrine. While much of the case law appears premised on principles  
of property, commentators have observed that private property concepts cannot simply be  
imported into public interest litigation: see Jamie Cassels, supra, at p. 783. See also Estey,  
“Public Nuisance and Standing to Sue” (1972), 10 Osgoode Hall L.J. 563, and Linden,  
Canadian Tort Law, 4th ed. (1988), at p. 496. Thus, in Salmond and Heuston on the Law of  
Torts, 18th ed. (1981), at p. 47 the authors comment:  
Public and private nuisances are not in reality to a species of the same genus at all.  
There is no generic conception which includes the crime of keeping a common  
gaming-house and the tort of allowing one’s trees to overhang the land of a neighbour.  
[477] Moreover, this proceeding cannot be objected to because the Attorney-General is  
“politically motivated”. The Ontario government admits it is “pro-choice”. The bringing of this  
proceeding is likely influenced by this political fact. Almost anything a government does is  
open to the characterization of being politically motivated. But whatever the role political  
policy has played, this lawsuit needs to meet the substantive and procedural requirements of  
the laws the plaintiff seeks to enforce.  
[478] The result is a broad standing in the Attorney-General to sue on behalf of the public’s  
interest on the grounds alleged: see Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Bear Island Foundation,  
supra.  
(b) The appropriate interlocutory test  
[479] The causes of action relied upon by the Attorney-General to found her claim of public  
nuisance are summarized in para. 24 of the statement of claim as: (1) acts against the  
personassault; (2) acts against propertymischief, causing a disturbance, vandalism and  
trespass; (3) watching or besetting; (4) causing a disturbance; (5) common nuisance; and (6)  
acts against the person’s reputation—libel and slander. Also before the court as additional  
grounds in support of a “public nuisance” injunction are related allegations of conspiracy to  
injure, aiding and abetting, invasion of privacy, and inducing breach of contract.  
[480] In considering each of these bases, regard must be had to the requirements of the  
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. While the Charter does not apply to litigation  
between private parties, the plaintiff represents the government. This government  
involvement, notwithstanding the Attorney-General’s primary reliance on the common law,  
attracts Charter scrutiny. No one has suggested otherwise. This implicit agreement on the  
Charter’s application was no doubt prompted by the judgment of McIntyre J. in R.W.D.S.U.,  
Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd. (1986), 33 D.L.R. (4th) 174 at p. 195, [1986] 2 S.C.R. 573,  
38 C.C.L.T. 184:  
It is my view that s. 32 of the Charter specifies the actors to whom the Charter will apply.  
They are the legislative, executive and administrative branches of government. It will  
apply to those branches of government whether or not their action is invoked in public or  
private litigation. It would seem that legislation is the only way in which a legislature may  
infringe a guaranteed right or freedom. Action by the executive or administrative  
branches of government will generally depend upon legislation, that is,  
statutory authority. Such action may also depend, however, on the common law as in  
the case of the prerogative. To the extent that it relies on statutory authority which  
constitutes or results in an infringement of a guaranteed right or freedom, the Charter  
will apply and it will be unconstitutional. The action will also be unconstitutional to the  
extent that it relies for authority or justification on a rule of the common law which  
constitutes or creates an infringement of a Charter right or freedom. In this way, the  
Charter will apply to the common law, whether in public or private litigation. It will apply  
to the common law, however, only in so far as the common law is the basis of some  
governmental action which, it is alleged, infringes a guaranteed right or freedom.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[481] Thus, quite apart from the requirement that the judiciary apply and develop principles  
of common law in a manner consistent with the fundamental values enshrined in the  
Constitution, the Charter directly applies to this proceeding. What this entails was developed  
by the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Swain, supra. In that case, the accused was  
charged with assault and aggravated assault as a result of a bizarre attack upon his wife and  
children. At the trial, and over the objection of the accused, the Crown sought to adduce  
evidence with respect to insanity at the time of the offence. The trial judge, however, admitted  
the evidence and found the accused not guilty by reason of insanity on all counts. The  
accused was then ordered to be kept in strict custody until the Lieutenant-Governor’s  
pleasure was known.  
[482] In allowing the appeal, the Supreme Court of Canada held that the common law rule  
giving a trial judge the discretion to permit the Crown to introduce evidence of insanity where  
the evidence suggests that the accused was insane at the time of the offence violated s. 7 of  
the Charter. It did so by depriving the accused of the right to at least reasonable control over  
his own defence including the decision to choose whether or not to raise the defence of  
insanity. With respect to the application of the Charter to the common law, Chief Justice  
Lamer at pp. 510-11 stated:  
Before turning to s. 1, however, I wish to point out that because this appeal involves a  
Charter challenge to a common law, judge-made rule, the Charter analysis involves  
somewhat different considerations than would apply to a challenge to a legislative  
provision. For example, having found that the existing common law rule limits an  
accused’s rights under s. 7 of the Charter, it may not be strictly necessary to go on to  
consider the application of s. 1. Having come to the conclusion that the common law rule  
enunciated by the Ontario Court of Appeal limits an accused’s right to liberty in a manner  
which does not accord with the principles of fundamental justice, it could, in my view, be  
appropriate to consider at this stage whether an alternative common law rule could be  
fashioned which would not be contrary to the principles of fundamental justice.  
If a new common law rule could be enunciated which would not interfere with an  
accused person’s right to have control over the conduct of his or her defence, I can see  
no conceptual problem with the court’s simply enunciating such a rule to take the place  
of the old rule, without considering whether the old rule could none the less be upheld  
under s. 1 of the Charter. Given that the common law rule was fashioned by judges and  
not by Parliament or a legislature, judicial deference to elected bodies is not an issue. If  
it is possible to reformulate a common law rule so that it will not conflict with the  
principles of fundamental justice, such a reformulation should be undertaken. Of course,  
if it were not possible to reformulate the common law rule so as to avoid an infringement  
of the constitutionally protected right or freedom, it would be necessary for the court to  
consider whether the common law rule could be upheld as a reasonable limit under s. 1  
of the Charter. As was noted at the outset of this analysis, this court has stated that a  
limit “prescribed by law” within the meaning of s. 1 may arise from the application of a  
common law rule as well as from a statute or regulation. Thus, I do not wish to be taken  
as having held that s. 1 can never have application when a common law rule is  
challenged under the Charter.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[483] Applying the second step of the Oakes proportionality test, the Chief Justice held there  
was no room for judicial deference in reviewing a “judge-made rule”. He stated at pp. 513-14:  
The question under this part of the proportionality test is whether the impugned law (in  
this case, the common law rule and criteria enunciated by the Ontario Court of Appeal)  
violates Charter rights as little as possible in order to achieve the “pressing and  
substantial” objective. In other words while the means chosen may be rationally  
connected to the objective, they may, at the same time be unnecessarily intrusive on  
constitutional rights in light of alternative means. This court has stated on a number of  
occasions that the absolutely least intrusive means need not be chosen in order for a  
law to pass the “as little as possible” test… However, as I have indicated above, it is my  
view that the Oakes analysis requires somewhat different considerations when, as here,  
a judge-made rule is being challenged under the Charter.  
In cases where legislative provisions have been challenged under s. 52(1) of the  
Constitution Act, 1982, this court has been cognizant of the fact that such provisions are  
enacted by an elected body which must respond to the competing interests of different  
groups in society and which must always consider the polycentric aspects of any given  
course of action. For this reason, this court has indicated that Parliament need not  
always choose the absolutely least intrusive means to attain its objective, but must come  
within a range of means which impair Charter rights as little as is reasonably possible.  
However, as was indicated above, in cases where a common law, judge-made rule is  
challenged under the Charter, there is no room for judicial deference.  
In my view, the existing common law rule which allows the Crown, in certain  
circumstances, to raise evidence of insanity over and above the accused’s wishes and  
which thereby interferes with the principle of fundamental justice that an accused must  
have control over the conduct of his or her defence, must be subjected to a rigorous  
examination under s. 1. In other  
words, the least intrusive common law rule which will attain the objectives without  
disproportionately affecting rights must be adopted by the court  
(Emphasis added.)  
[484] However, the instant matter is an application for an interlocutory injunction. For this  
reason, the plaintiff submits it need only show: (a) that there is a serious issue to be tried; (b)  
that the plaintiff (or public interest), would suffer irreparable harm if the injunction is not  
granted; and (c) that the balance of convenience favours the granting of the injunction. In fact,  
reliance is placed on Ontario (Attorney-General) v. Bear Island Foundation, supra, where  
O’Leary J. opined that the Attorney-General, as protector of public rights, need not establish  
that irreparable harm will result upon a denial of an injunction.  
[485] Two Supreme Court of Canada cases have considered the appropriate approach to  
interlocutory injunctions where Charter claims are in issue. They are Manitoba (Attorney-  
General) v. Metropolitan Stores (MTS) Ltd., supra, and RJR-Macdonald Inc. v. Canada  
(Attorney-General), supra. In Metropolitan Stores, an employer applied for an order to stay  
proceedings before the Manitoba Labour Relations Board until a determination of the  
constitutional validity of newly enacted innovative labour legislation. Beetz J. at pp. 333-4 held  
that the American Cyanamid “serious question” formulation was sufficient in a constitutional  
case provided the public interest was taken into consideration in the determination of the  
balance of convenience [American Cyanamid Co. v. Ethicon Ltd., [1975] A.C. 396, [1975] 1  
All E.R. 504, [1975] 2 W.L.R. 316]. At p. 339, he elaborated on how the public interest should  
be approached in Charter cases when considering requests for interlocutory relief:  
While respect for the Constitution must remain paramount, the question then arises  
whether it is equitable and just to deprive the public, or important sectors thereof, from  
the protection and advantages of impugned legislation, the invalidity of which is merely  
uncertain, unless the public interest is taken into consideration in the balance of  
convenience and is given the weight it deserves. As could be expected, the courts have  
generally answered this question in the negative. In looking at the balance of  
convenience, they have found it necessary to rise above the interests of private litigants  
up to the level of the public interest, and, in cases involving interlocutory injunctions  
directed at statutory authorities, they have correctly held it is erroneous to deal with  
these authorities as if they have any interest distinct from that of the public to which they  
owe the duties imposed upon them by statute.  
[486] After a review of the cases, His Lordship concluded at p. 349:  
In short, I conclude that in a case where the authority of a law enforcement agency is  
constitutionally challenged, no interlocutory  
injunction or stay should issue to restrain that authority from performing its duties to the  
public unless, in the balance of convenience, the public interest is taken into  
consideration and given the weight it should carry. Such is the rule where the case  
against the authority of the law enforcement agency is serious, for if it were not, the  
question of granting interlocutory relief should not even arise. But that is the rule also  
even where there is a prima facie case against the enforcement agency, such as one  
which would require the coming into play of s. 1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and  
Freedoms.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[487] This issue was revisited in RJR-Macdonald Inc., supra, involving the Tobacco Products  
Control Act regulating the advertisement of tobacco products and the health warnings which  
must be placed upon those products. Both applicants had successfully challenged the Act’s  
constitutional validity in the Quebec Superior Court on the grounds it was ultra vires  
Parliament and that it violated the right of freedom of expression found in s. 2(b) of the  
Charter. The Court of Appeal held the legislation to be constitutional. The applicants sought  
leave to appeal and to stay the challenged amendment until the disposition of the main  
actions if leave to appeal were granted on the basis that the amendment would immediately  
cause the applicants to incur major expenses in altering their packaging. It was their position  
that these expenses would not be recoverable should the legislation be found  
unconstitutional. Sopinka and Cory JJ., while generally accepting the appropriateness of the  
American Cyanamid “serious question” test when considering requests for interlocutory relief  
in Charter cases, also described one of two exceptions at pp. 402-4:  
The Charter protects fundamental rights and freedoms. The importance of the interests  
which, the applicants allege, have been adversely affected require every court faced  
with an alleged Charter violation to review the matter carefully. This is so even when  
other courts have concluded that no Charter breach has occurred. Furthermore, the  
complex nature of most constitutional rights means that a motions court will rarely have  
the time to engage in the requisite extensive analysis of the merits of the applicants’  
claim. This is true of any application for interlocutory relief whether or not a trial has  
been conducted. It follows that we are in complete agreement with the conclusion of  
Beetz J. in Metropolitan Stores, at pp. 333-4, that “the American Cyanamid ‘serious  
question’ formulation is sufficient in a constitutional case where, as indicated below in  
these reasons, the public interest is taken into consideration in the balance of  
convenience”.  
What then are the indicators of “a serious question to be tried?” There are no specific  
requirements which must be met in order to satisfy this test. The threshold is a low one.  
The judge on the application must make a preliminary assessment of the merits of the  
case. The decision of a lower court judge on the merits of the Charter claim is a relevant  
but not necessarily conclusive indication that the issues raised in an appeal are serious:  
see Metropolitan Stores, supra, at p. 350. Similarly, a decision by an appellate court to  
grant  
leave on the merits indicates that serious questions are raised, but a refusal of leave in a  
case which raises the same issues cannot automatically be taken as an indication of the  
lack of strength of the merits.  
Once satisfied that the application is neither vexatious nor frivolous, the motions judge  
should proceed to consider the second and third tests, even if of the opinion that the  
plaintiff is unlikely to succeed at trial. A prolonged examination of the merits is generally  
neither necessary nor desirable.  
Two exceptions apply to the general rule that a judge shall not engage in an extensive  
review of the merits. The first arises when the result of the interlocutory motion will in  
effect amount to a final determination of the action. This will be the case either when the  
right which the applicant seeks to protect can only be exercised immediately or not at all,  
or when the result of the application will impose such hardship on one party as to  
remove any potential benefit from proceeding to trial. Indeed Lord Diplock modified the  
American Cyanamid principle in such a situation in N.W.L. Ltd. v. Woods, [1979] 1  
W.L.R. 1294 (H.L.) at p. 1307:  
“Where, however, the grant or refusal of the interlocutory injunction will have the  
practical effect of putting an end to the action because the harm that will have been  
already caused to the losing party by its grant or its refusal is complete and of a  
kind for which money cannot constitute any worthwhile recompense, the degree of  
likelihood that the plaintiff would have succeeded in establishing his right to an  
injunction if the action had gone to trial, is a factor to be brought into the balance by  
the judge in weighing the risks that injustice may result from his deciding the  
application one way rather than the other.”  
Cases in which the applicant seeks to restrain picketing may well fall within the scope of  
this exception. Several cases indicate that this exception is already applied to some  
extent in Canada.  
The circumstances in which this exception will apply are rare. When it does, a more  
extensive review of the merits of the case must be undertaken. Then, when the second  
and third stages of the test are considered and applied, the anticipated result on the  
merits should be borne in mind.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[488] On the issue of irreparable harm, the court held that this second test consists of  
deciding whether the litigant who seeks the interlocutory injunction would, unless the  
injunction is granted, suffer irreparable harm. The harm which might be suffered by the  
respondent should the relief sought be granted, the court stated, is more appropriately dealt  
with in the third part of the analysis. Any alleged harm to the public interest should also be  
considered at that stage. The court noted that the assessment of irreparable harm in  
interlocutory applications involving Charter rights is a task which will often be more difficult  
than a comparable assessment in private law application. This is because the concept of  
irreparable harm is closely tied to the remedy of damages which is not the primary remedy in  
Charter cases. The court observed that in most cases, because of the uncertain state of the  
law regarding the award of damages for a Charter breach, it will be impossible for a judge  
hearing an interlocutory application to determine whether adequate compensation can be  
obtained at trial.  
[489] Finally, in summarizing the required approach to the third branch of the test for  
interlocutory relief, it was stated at p. 411:  
The third branch of the test, requiring an assessment of the balance of inconvenience,  
will often determine the result in applications involving Charter rights. In addition to the  
damage each party alleges it will suffer, the interest of the public must be taken into  
account. The effect a decision on the application will have upon the public interest may  
be relied upon by either party. These public interest considerations will carry less weight  
in exemption cases than in suspension cases. When the nature and declared purpose of  
legislation is to promote the public interest, a motions court should not be concerned  
whether the legislation actually has such an effect. It must be assumed to do so. In order  
to overcome the assumed benefit to the public interest arising from the continued  
application of the legislation, the applicant who relies on the public interest must  
demonstrate that the suspension of the legislation would itself provide a public benefit.  
We would add to this brief summary that, as a general rule, the same principles would  
apply when a government authority is the applicant in a motion for interlocutory relief.  
However, the issue of public interest, as an aspect of irreparable harm to the interests of  
the government, will be considered in the second stage. It will again be considered in  
the third stage when harm to the applicant is balanced with harm to the respondent  
including any harm to the public interest established by the latter.  
[490] The instant application, in my opinion, falls within the first RJR-Macdonald Inc.  
exception to the “serious question” requirement because it involves picketing. The Attorney-  
General has proceeded against private citizens who claim, as well, to be exercising  
constitutional rights through picketing and related protest activity. While the granting of an  
injunction would not have precisely the same strategic effect it usually has in labour matters,  
the impact on the defendants would likely be comparable and would tend towards finality  
given the imbalance in resources available to the respective parties: see Hubbard v. Pitt,  
[1975] 3 All E.R. 1 at pp. 10-11, [1975] 3 W.L.R. 201. These concerns are magnified where an  
alleged constitutional right will be enjoined.  
[491] Furthermore, this is not a typical interlocutory application. The application was brought  
in April, 1993. Until January, 1994, the parties were examined on the many and voluminous  
affidavits which had been filed. The legal argument before the motions court judge occupied  
almost three weeks. Thus, the underlying basis to the low threshold “serious question” test is  
not as applicable in these particular circumstances. This case is, in other words, the rare  
exception referred to by Sopinka and Cory JJ. In RJR-Macdonald Inc. A better test, in the  
circumstances, is the demonstration of a prima facie case.  
[492] In respect of the balance of convenience, reference must be made to the Supreme  
Court’s reasons in RJR-Macdonald Inc. holding that the government does not have a  
monopoly in representing the public interest. Any party may demonstrate a compelling public  
interest in support of its position, as it was stated at pp. 407-8:  
Some general guidelines to the methods to be used in assessing the balance of  
inconvenience were elaborated by Beetz J. in Metropolitan Stores. A few additional  
points may be made. It is the “polycentric” nature of the Charter which requires a  
consideration of the public interest in determining the balance of convenience…  
However, the government does not have a monopoly on the public interest. As Cassels  
points out p. 303:  
“While it is of utmost importance to consider the public interest in the balance of  
convenience, the public interest in Charter litigation is not unequivocal or  
asymmetrical in the way suggested in Metropolitan Stores. The Attorney General is  
not the exclusive representative of a monolithic public in Charter disputes, nor does  
the applicant always represent only an individualized claim. Most often, the  
applicant can also claim to represent one vision of the ‘public interest’. Similarly,  
the public interest may not always gravitate in favour of enforcement of existing  
legislation.”  
It is, we think, appropriate that it be open to both parties in an interlocutory Charter  
proceeding to rely upon considerations of the public interest. Each party is entitled to  
make the court aware of the damage it might suffer prior to a decision on the merits. In  
addition, either the applicant or the respondent may tip the scales of convenience in its  
favour by demonstrating to the court a compelling public interest in the granting or  
refusal of the relief sought. “Public interest” includes both the concerns of society  
generally and the particular interest of identifiable groups.  
(Emphasis added.)  
(c) Prior restraint  
[493] Another preliminary perspective arises from the defendants’ reliance on the  
constitutional rights of freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, and freedom of religion.  
Even before the passage of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Canadian courts  
were reluctant to enjoin the exercise of civil rights on an interlocutory basis. In Saumur v. City  
of Quebec, supra, Rand J. spoke eloquently of this judicial reticence at p. 670:  
Strictly speaking, civil rights arise from positive law; but freedom of speech, religion and  
the inviolability of the person, are original freedoms which are at once the necessary  
attributes and modes of self-expression of human beings and the primary conditions of  
their community life within a legal order. It is in the circumscription of these liberties by  
the creation of  
civil rights in persons who may be injured by their exercise, and by the sanctions of  
public law, that positive law operates. What we realize is the residue inside that  
periphery. Their significant relation to our law lies in this, that under its principles to  
which there are only minor exceptions, there is no prior or antecedent restraint placed  
upon them: the penalties, civil or criminal, attach to results which their exercise may  
bring about, and apply as consequential incidents.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[494] More recently, in Hubbard v. Pitt, supra, the court refused to grant an interlocutory  
injunction to restrain picketing by tenants of the premises of an estate agent. In commenting  
on the applicability of the American Cyanamid test and the appropriateness of interlocutory  
injunctions where free speech is at issue, at pp. 10-11, Lord Denning M.R. wrote:  
All I would say is that I think this case does not come within the ruling in the American  
Cyanamid case. In the first place this is one of the “individual” cases in which there are  
special factors to be taken into consideration. So much so that the court should assess  
the relative strength of each party’s case before deciding whether to grant an injunction.  
The plaintiff should not be granted an interlocutory injunction unless they can make out  
a prima facie case. In the second place, there are “uncompensatable disadvantages”  
which are so evenly balanced that it is appropriate to have regard to the strength of each  
party’s case.  
My reasons are these. First, on the facts, so far as the picketing is concerned, there is  
virtually no dispute. The only dispute on the facts is on the issue of libel, that is, whether  
the words on the placards and leaflets can be justified, or not.  
Second, if an interlocutory injunction is granted, it will virtually decide the whole action in  
favour of the plaintiffs, because the defendants will be restrained until trial (which may  
mean two years, or more) from picketing the plaintiffs’ premises, by which time the  
campaign will be over. It is true that the plaintiffs will have to give an undertaking in  
damages, but that will be of no use to the defendants, seeing that they will not suffer any  
pecuniary damages, but only be prevented from continuing their campaign in this way.  
Finally, the real grievance of the plaintiffs is about the placards and leaflets. To restrain  
these by an interlocutory injunction would be contrary to the principle laid down by the  
court 85 years ago in Bonnard v. Perryman and repeatedly applied ever since. That  
case spoke of the right of free speech. Here we have to consider the right to  
demonstrate and the right to protest on matters of public concern. These are rights  
which it is in the public interest that individuals should possess; and, indeed, that they  
should exercise without impediment so long as no wrongful act is done. It is often the  
only means by which grievances can be brought to the knowledge of those in  
authorityat any rate with such impact as to gain a remedy. Our history is full of  
warnings against suppression of these rights.  
It is time for the courts to recognize this too. They should not interfere by interlocutory  
injunction with the right to demonstrate and to protest any more than they interfere with  
the right of free speech; provided that  
everything is done peaceably and in good order. That is the case here. The only thing of  
which complaint can legitimately be made is the placards and leaflets. If it turned out at  
the trial that the words on the placards and leaflets were untrue, then an injunction  
should be granted. But not at presentwhen, for aught we know, the words may be true  
and justifiable. And, if true, it may be very wholesome for the truth to be made known.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[495] A similarly sympathetic view against prior restraint was expressed by the United States  
Supreme Court in Southeastern Promotions Ltd. v. Conrad, 420 U.S. 546 (1975) at p. 559:  
[A] free society prefers to punish the few who abuse rights of speech after they break  
the law than to throttle them and all others beforehand. It is always difficult to know in  
advance what an individual will say, and the line between legitimate and illegitimate  
speech is often so finely drawn that the risks of freewheeling censorship are formidable.  
[496] On the other hand, driving this application is a concern for the health and welfare of  
women seeking abortion services in publicly funded health facilities. In Morgentaler, Smoling  
and Scott v. The Queen, supra, at p. 402, Chief Justice Dickson explained why s. 251 of the  
Criminal Code constituted a prima facie violation of the security of the person of thousands of  
Canadian women who have to make the difficult decision that they do not wish to continue  
with a pregnancy. He linked both the Constitution and a woman’s health to accessible  
abortion services in writing this previously reproduced passage:  
At the most basic, physical and emotional level, every pregnant woman is told by this  
section that she cannot submit to a generally safe medical procedure that might be of  
clear benefit to her unless she meets criteria entirely unrelated to her own priorities and  
aspirations. Not only does the removal of decision-making power threaten women in a  
physical sense; the indecision of knowing whether an abortion will be granted inflicts  
emotional stress. Section 251 clearly interferes with a woman’s bodily integrity in both a  
physical and emotional sense. Forcing a woman, by threat of criminal sanction, to carry  
a foetus to term unless she meets certain criteria unrelated to her own priorities and  
aspirations, is a profound interference with a woman’s body and thus a violation of  
security of the person. Section 251, therefore, is required by the Charter to comport with  
the principles of fundamental justice.  
Although this interference with physical and emotional integrity is sufficient in itself to  
trigger a review of s. 251 against the principles of fundamental justice, the operation of  
the decision-making mechanism set out in s. 251 creates additional glaring breaches of  
security of the person. The evidence indicates that s. 251 causes a certain amount of  
delay for women who are successful in meeting its criteria. In the context of abortion,  
any unnecessary delay can have profound consequences on the woman’s physical and  
emotional well-being.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[497] The instant matter involves a clash of constitutional values and, thereby, demands a  
more detailed scrutiny of the merits than would otherwise be the case: cf. Canadian Urban  
Equities Ltd. v. Direct Action For Life, supra, at p. 127. The plaintiff and interveners make the  
point that no constitutional right can be considered absolute and emphasize that the plaintiff is  
seeking to protect the health of women seeking abortion services. They rely on the ranking of  
fundamental values found in the International Covenant On Civil And Political Rights (21  
U.N.G.A. Res. Supp. 16, U.N. Doc. A/6316 at p. 52 (1966); in force for Canada, August 19,  
1976, Canada Treaties Series 1976 No. 47). In this important international document, the  
freedoms of religion, expression, assembly and association are subordinated to concerns for  
health. Articles 18, 19, 21 and 22, in part, provide:  
Article 18  
1. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This  
right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice and  
freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to  
manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.  
3. Freedom to manifest one’s religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations  
as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health or  
morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others…  
Article 19  
2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include  
freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of  
frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media  
of his choice.  
3. The exercise of the rights provided for in paragraph 2 of this article carries with it  
special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be subject to certain restrictions, but  
these shall only be such as are provided by law and are necessary:  
(a) for respect of the rights or reputation of others;  
(b) for the protection of national security or of public order (ordre public) or of public  
health or morals.  
Article 21  
The right of peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions may be placed on  
the exercise of this right other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which  
are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public  
safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or morals or the  
protection of the lights and freedoms of others.  
Article 22  
1. Everyone shall have the right of freedom of association with others, including the right  
to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests.  
2. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right other than those which are  
prescribed by law and which are necessary in a democratic society. In the interests of  
national security or public safety, public order (ordre public) the protection of public  
health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. This article shall  
not prevent the imposition of lawful restrictions on members of the Armed Forces and of  
the police and their exercise of this right.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[498] Against this background, I accept that should the plaintiff demonstrate a prima facie  
case of injury to health, the longstanding judicial reluctance to engage in prior restraint must  
give way. An examination of the merits of this action is therefore required.  
(d) The substantive claims  
(i) Assault  
[499] The defendants submit that there is no evidence of either assault or battery. There is,  
however, the pushing incident involving Dr. Chernick in London outside his home. As well,  
there have been two relatively recent touching incidents. One involved a staff member of one  
of the Toronto clinics when a picketer placed her hand over the staff member’s hand as the  
latter attempted to open the door to the clinic. The other incident, also in Toronto, involved a  
patient being pursued up the stairs to a clinic and whose dress was tugged at by one of the  
picketers. While none of these incidents involved one of the named defendants, the  
defendants who picket the clinics attract and encourage others who misconduct themselves.  
Illustrative is the Toronto picketer who gestured to clinic staff by passing his hand along his  
throat as if he were holding a knife. This magnet-like feature of the defendants’ conduct,  
however, is best analyzed in the context of the doctrine of nuisance. Nevertheless, these  
incidents serve to underline why those involved in the provision of abortion services and their  
patients are required to be constantly on guard.  
(ii) Trespass and mischief  
[500] The defendants submit that they picket only on public property and do not trespass  
onto private property. There is, however, evidence that picketers have pursued patients to the  
doorstep of the two free-standing clinics on Gerrard St. East. There is evidence of trespass  
into the lobby of the building in which Choice in Health is located and trespass into the  
hospital where Dr. Fellows’ office is located. There is also some evidence of picketers going  
onto the residential properties of various doctors to make unwanted inquiries of one kind or  
another. These incidents constitute a prima facie case of trespass at common law or a breach  
of the provisions of the Trespass to Property Act, R.S.O. 1990, c. T.21. Until 1990, the clinics  
were also subjected to regular, massive and entirely unlawful invasions called “Operation  
Rescues”, previously described in these reasons. At least some of the defendants  
participated in this unlawful activity. The clinics must continue to employ security measures  
sufficient to guard against the recurrence of unlawful conduct given the close physical  
proximity of protestors to the entrances of the clinics and the unpredictability of their actions.  
[501] While the pursuit of patients to the doorstep of free-standing clinics by Linda Gross and  
Judy Johnson prima fade constitutes trespass, there is no evidence that any of the  
defendants have vandalized or damaged private property. However, it is probable that the  
targeting of these properties by the Toronto defendants and their supporters has attracted the  
vandalization and other harassment which has occurred.  
[502] The offence of mischief is set out in s. 430 of the Criminal Code. It provides, in part:  
430(1) Everyone commits mischief who wilfully  
(d) obstructs, interrupts or interferes with any person in the lawful use, enjoyment  
or operation of property.  
[503] Obstruction, interruption or interference with the enjoyment of property occurs only  
when aimed at the act of or entitlement to possession of that property: see R. v. Phoenix  
(1991), 64 C.C.C. (3d) 252 at pp. 255-6 (B.C. Prov. Ct.). For reasons to be reviewed in  
relation to the claim of nuisance, the evidence does disclose an interference with the  
enjoyment and operation of property in regard to the clinics, the offices, and the homes of  
physicians. However, because the picketing usually involves three to four picketers who, by  
and large, remain on public property and ultimately permit physical access to and from the  
properties in question, the evidence does not disclose a prima facie breach of this criminal  
standard. While the conduct meets common law requirements of private and public nuisance,  
criminal mischief connotes substantially more interference and emphasizes the description of  
the physical use, enjoyment or operation of the property.  
(iii) Watching and besetting  
[504] The offence of “intimidation” is set out in s. 423(1) of the Criminal Code, which  
provides, in part, as follows:  
423(1) Every one who, wrongfully and without lawful authority, for the purpose of  
compelling another person to abstain from doing anything that he has a lawful right to  
do, or to do anything that he has a lawful right to abstain from doing,  
(c) persistently follows that person about from place to place.  
(f) besets or watches the dwelling-house or place where that person resides,  
works, carries on business or happens to be…  
is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.  
(2) A person who attends at or near or approaches a dwelling-house or a place for the  
purpose only of obtaining or communicating information, does not watch or beset within  
the meaning of this section.  
[505] An individual who does not himself or herself commit the offence of intimidation, but  
counsels others to do so or conspires with others to commit the offence, may be guilty of an  
offence: see Criminal Code, ss. 21, 22, 423 and 465(1)(d). It is submitted that the picketing  
and the related activity of “prayer walks” or “sidewalk counselling” constitute unlawful  
intimidatory conduct at each of the locations named in the statement of claim. The defendants  
seek, by their persistent physical presence at these locations, to deter patients from obtaining  
abortions, and to compel providers to cease providing abortions. Their purpose is not, it is  
argued, to communicate information.  
[506] Each of the defendants was cross-examined on their interest in “stopping abortions in  
Canada” and, while some were evasive, it seems clear that all wish abortions to end. The  
plaintiff therefore submits that the activities of the defendants constitute the offence of  
intimidation. With respect to those defendants who do not engage directly in picketing or  
protest activity, it is submitted that they counsel or conspire in such behaviour. The plaintiff  
relies on Smith Bros. Construction Co. v. Jones, [1955] 4 D.L.R. 255, 113 C.C.C. 16, [1955]  
O.R. 362 (H.C.J.), and Re Regina and Basaraba (1975), 24 C.C.C. (2d) 296, [1976] 3 W.W.R.  
233 (Man. C.A.).  
[507] Neither case, however, supports these submissions. Basaraba dealt with actual verbal  
threats and stands for the proposition that s. 423 is not limited to industrial disputes  
notwithstanding the heading of that part of the Code in which this provision is found. Smith  
Bros. Construction Co. v. Jones, supra, involved what the court found to be a circumvention  
of the certification machinery of the Labour Relations Act, R.S.O. 1950, c. 194, and a tortious  
interference with contractual relations. There was, as well, no mention in Smith Bros. of the  
significance of the Supreme Court of Canada’s decision in Williams v. Aristocratic  
Restaurants (1947) Ltd., [1951] 3 D.L.R. 769,101 C.C.C. 273, [1951] S.C.R. 762, which held  
that peaceful picketing designed to communicate information is, per se, legal.  
[508] There have been few cases since the 1940s considering alleged offences under  
s. 423(1)(f), the “watching and besetting” provision of the Criminal Code. Indeed, the provision  
appears to have fallen out of use largely because of the Aristocratic Restaurants case. In that  
matter, a trade union certified as the bargaining agent in respect of the employees in one of  
an employer’s five restaurants, failed to negotiate a collective agreement. Thereafter, the  
union lost all its members among the employees in the bargaining unit for which it was  
certified. It nevertheless engaged picketers, who, two at a time, paraded not only before the  
“certified” premises but also before two other restaurants of the employer. The placards  
carried by the picketers stated truthfully that the employer had no agreements with the union  
which was affiliated with the local Trades and Labour Council. Upon an attempt to enjoin the  
picketing, it was held that the form of picketing employed was lawful, from a criminal  
standpoint, under what is now s. 423. At pp. 790-1, Rand J. rejected the notion that the mere  
presence of a few picketers could amount to intimidation and thereby fall outside the  
communications exemption of s. 423(2). In this respect, he stated:  
There was clearly a trade dispute as well as a grievance in this case and the information  
conveyed by the placards as clearly was relevant to the patronage of the restaurants by  
consumers. The question, then, is whether the mode of persuasion followed was  
authorized. How could information be effectively communicated to a prospective  
customer of such a business otherwise than by such means? The appeal through  
newspapers or at a distance might and probably would be utterly futile. The persons to  
be persuaded can, with any degree of certainty, be reached only in the immediate  
locality, and I must take the Legislature to have intended to deal with the matter in a  
realistic manner. What was attempted was to persuade rationally rather than to coerce  
by insolence; there was no nuisance of a public nature, and the only annoyance would  
be the resentment felt almost at any act in the competitive conflict by the person whose  
interest is assailed. That those within the restaurant, either employees or patrons, were  
likely to be disturbed to the degree of apprehensive disquiet already mentioned, could  
not be seriously urged. Through long familiarity, these words and actions in labour  
controversy have ceased to have an intimidating impact on the average individual and  
are now taken in the stride of ordinary experience; but the information may be effective  
to persuade and it is such an appeal that the statute is designed to encourage.  
[509] In reply, the plaintiff and interveners submit that such tolerance does not exist when  
the context is a medical facility where a very private, and highly complex personal decision is  
about to be implemented. The defendants are engaged in sidewalk counselling and picketing  
in an attempt to persuade through humiliation, fear, guilt and intimidation. Such conduct, it is  
said, does not fall within the communications proviso of s. 423(2).  
[510] In my view, the prolonged presence of picketers outside the homes of doctors engaged  
in providing abortion services constitutes a prima facie breach of s. 423(1)(f) of the Criminal  
Code which is not saved by s. 423(2). The picketing of the homes of physicians prima facie  
includes purposes other than and in addition to the mere communication of information.  
These other purposes are disclosed by the relentless nature of such activity and the  
availability of locations more directly involved in abortion services at which this same  
message might be communicated. The picketers’ disruptive purposes are also revealed by  
the manner in which the picketing campaign was mounted. The recommended approach was  
described in the defendants’ literature previously referred to, including the initial visits which  
were actually made to all of the doctors. This conclusion, however, must be reviewed in light  
of the defendants’ reliance on freedom of expression, freedom of religion, and freedom of  
assembly.  
[511] The picketing at the hospitals, the free-standing clinics and the offices of physicians is  
more difficult to analyze. Its prolonged nature is justified as a necessary communications  
device because the identities of patients change from day to day. Regular attendance outside  
these locations is rationally connected to the new patients attending each day. The incidental  
effect, of course, is to convey continuously the same message to the doctors and the medical  
staff who are not changing each day. However, the hospitals and clinics are also the very  
sites of the actions giving rise to the picketing and protest activity. The offices may or may not  
be part of the abortion service process.  
[512] On the other hand, there can be little doubt that the decision to have an abortion is an  
intensely personal matter. The defendant, Dieleman, is aware that her presence and “watchful  
eyes” are disturbing to the patients. She intends this. It is from this perspective that the  
plaintiff and interveners submit the picketing transcends mere communication and constitutes,  
instead, a degradation, humiliation and related compulsion within the meaning of s. 423(1).  
[513] These submissions, however, must contend with the defendants’ reliance on the  
Charter and must do so in the face of a much stronger communications rationale than exists  
m the context of focused residential picketing. In determining whether a prima facie case  
exists, in the face of these conflicting interests, there must be recourse to the principle that  
the law should develop in a manner consonant with the values underlying the Charter. By this  
it is meant that where a legislative provision, on a reasonable interpretation of its history and  
on the plain reading of its text, is subject to two equally persuasive interpretations, a court  
should adopt the interpretation which best accords with the Charter and the values to which it  
gives expression: see Hills v. Canada (Attorney-General) (1988), 48 D.L.R. (4th) 193, [1988]  
1 S.C.R. 513 88 C.L.L.C. ¶14,011; Slaight Communications Inc. v. Davidson (1989), 59  
D.L.R. (4th) 416, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 1038, 26 C.C.E.L 85; R. v. Salituro (1991), 68 C.C.C. (3d)  
289, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 654, 9 C.R. (4th) 324; and R. v. Zundel (1992), 95 D.L.R. (4th) 202 at  
pp. 273-4, 75 C.C.C. (3d) 449, (1992.) 2 S.C.R. 731. Accordingly, the determination of the  
existence of prima facie breaches of ss. 423(1)(c) and (f) of the Code by the presence of  
picketers at the hospitals, offices and free-standing clinics and the application of the saving  
provision must also await discussion of the defendants’ reliance on their freedoms under the  
Charter.  
(iv) Stalking  
[514] Subsequent to the commencement of this action, the Criminal Code was amended to  
add the offence of criminal harassment. This provision provides:  
264(1) No person shall, without lawful authority and knowing that another person is  
harassed or recklessly as to whether the other person is harassed, engage in conduct  
referred to in subsection (2) that causes that other person reasonably, in all the  
circumstances, to fear for their safety or the safety of anyone known to them.  
(2) the conduct mentioned in subsection (1) consists of  
(a) repeatedly following from place to place the other person or anyone known to  
them;  
(b) repeatedly communicating with, either directly or indirectly, the other person or  
anyone known to them;  
(c) besetting or watching the dwelling-house, or place where the other person, or  
anyone known to them resides, works, carries on business or happens to be; or  
(d) engaging in threatening conduct directed at the other person or any member of  
their family.  
[515] The defendant, Vandervet, a lawyer, ceased picketing the homes of physicians in  
consequence of the passage of this provision. In its factum, the plaintiff submits that at least  
some of the behaviour of the defendants, particularly the personal targeting of physicians by  
name at homes, clinics, offices and hospitals and the picketing of physicians’ homes may  
violate this new provision.  
[516] However, s. 264 was not in effect at the time the conduct complained of occurred.  
Accordingly, I am not prepared to consider its application in this proceeding.  
(v) Causing a disturbance  
[517] Section 175(1)(a) of the Criminal Code provides:  
175(1) Everyone who  
(a) not being in a dwelling-house, causes a disturbance in or near a public place  
is guilty of an offence punishable on summary conviction.  
[518] An offence only occurs if a disturbance results from the prohibited acts, for example,  
impeding the entry of vehicles into a plant notwithstanding a warning from the police.  
Although certain actions may interrupt the tranquillity of a person’s mind, for an offence to be  
committed, members of the public at large must be disturbed: see R. v. Berry (1980), 56  
C.C.C. (2d) 99 (Ont. C.A.), and R. v. C.D. (1973), 13 C.C.C. (2d) 206, 22 C.R. (N.S.) 326, 6  
N.B.R. (2d) 200 (S.C.A.D.). On the evidence before the court, proof of a prima fade violation  
of this provision of the Criminal Code has not been established.  
(vi) Defamatory statements  
[519] The granting of an injunction to restrain the publication of an alleged libel is an  
exceptional remedy granted only in the rarest and clearest of cases. Stark J. in Canada Metal  
Co. v. C.B.C. (1975), 55 D.L.R. (3d) 42n, 7 O.R. (2d) 261n (H.C.J.), explained at p. 42 that  
this reluctance “is founded… on the necessity under our democratic system to protect free  
speech and unimpeded expression of opinion”. He noted that the exceptions to this rule are  
extremely rare.  
[520] An action for defamation is also personal. To the extent, therefore, that the Attorney-  
General seeks an injunction to restrain the publication or utterance of statements which  
allegedly defame individual physicians, her standing to sue is less firm. It has generally been  
held that only the person defamed may sue: see Carter-Ruck on Libel and Slander, 4th ed.  
(1992), at p. 70. The Attorney-General, however, emphasizes the public interest in preventing  
the harassment of physicians upon whom the public depends for medical services. In these  
peculiar circumstances, I accept that the law of defamation is enforceable by the Attorney-  
General in her capacity as parens patriae in pursuit of regulating a public nuisance.  
[521] An action lies by an individual against the maker of a statement the publication of  
which tends to lower the reputation of the plaintiff in the estimation of right-thinking members  
of society To be actionable, a statement (1) must refer to an individual by name or would lead  
reasonable persons to conclude that it was the plaintiff to whom the defendant referred; (2) be  
defamatory; and (3) not be justified as a true statement, fair comment or a statement made on  
an occasion of privilege. Words which merely insult are not actionable: see Raymon E.  
Brown, The Law of Defamation in Canada (Toronto: Carswell, 1987) vol. 1, pp. 40-4, 100,  
218-21. Fair comment on matters of public interest is protected speech. Where a person can  
demonstrate that words spoken are based on fact or expressions on a matter in which the  
public has an interest and a legitimate concern and spoken with an honest belief in the  
opinions expressed, then the statements constitute fair comment: see Gatley on Libel and  
Slander, 8th ed. (London: Sweet & Maxwell Ltd., 1981), paras. 691-2, and Cherneskey v.  
Armadale Publishers Ltd. (1978), 90 D.L.R. (3d) 321 at p. 330, [1979] 1 S.C.R. 1067, 7  
C.C.L.T. 69.  
[522] In the present case, the signs carried by picketers fall into two broad categories: (1)  
those which do not contain the name of a doctor; and (2) those which do. The posters not  
referring to physicians by name generally contain statements and graphic pictures protesting  
abortion. While I will return to these signs in the discussion of freedom of speech, these signs,  
in my view, contain political commentary and social expression in its purest form. The history  
of regulating abortions in Canada and related controversy make this clear. In this sense, the  
signs amount to fair comment, being expressions on a matter in which the public has an  
interest and constitute legitimate concerns and honest beliefs. No action in defamation,  
therefore, can lie to restrain the holding of a sign which reads: “Abortion Kills Children” or  
“Abortion, Canada’s Holocaust”. Similarly, no action in defamation lies to restrain the holding  
of a sign which purports to depict an aborted foetus whether or not the sign contains the  
previously mentioned words. A prima facie case of defamation does not exist in relation to  
these signs.  
[523] The signs which refer to physicians, in turn, are of three types. Some contain  
statements which are obviously true, for example, “Dr. Fellows does abortions”. Truth is an  
absolute defence to an action for libel. A second type of sign reads: “Dr. X Kills Pre-Born (or  
un-born) Babies” or, in some cases “Dr. X kills (by abortion) un-born babies”. These signs are  
not defamatory. First, the ordinary person would not understand the sign to be an allegation  
that a particular doctor commits a criminal offence. Several witnesses agree that the phrase  
“kills babies” is known as a pro-life slogan. Second, the evidence indicates that the language  
contained on the signs is true in the sense that a number of physicians acknowledge that  
many doctors and expectant mothers commonly refer to a foetus as a “baby”.  
[524] Pregnant mothers cared for by Dr. Reason commonly refer to their foetus as “my baby”  
and Dr. Reason will use the same term. Dr. White acknowledges that many women refer to  
their foetus as “my baby” or “the baby”. Dr. Millar also agrees that both he and his patients  
refer to a foetus as “baby” and that it is a term of common usage. Dr. Millar agrees that the  
reason the mother uses language such as “my baby” to refer to her foetus “is that there is  
certainly a recognition by the mother that she is carrying a live being or a form of human life in  
her womb”. The doctors also agree that “abortion puts an end to a pregnancy” and “puts an  
end to” is a common dictionary definition for the word “kills”. Dr. Reason agrees that an  
abortion “puts an end to a pregnancy and to a foetus”. So does Dr. White.  
[525] The statements are also not defamatory because they constitute fair comment,  
expressing the opinion that the destruction of the foetus through a therapeutic abortion  
constitutes the “killing of a baby”. This opinion has been voiced publicly for two decades by  
pro-life demonstrators. Even among legal theorists who support abortion, abortion is  
recognized and described as “killing”. Reference has already been made to the work of  
Professor Ronald Dworkin in Life’s Dominion: An Argument about Abortion, Euthanasia and  
Individual Freedom, supra, where he states in the opening sentence to his book that  
“[a]bortion… means deliberately killing a human embryo…”  
[526] In this respect, I do not quarrel with the following view of Dore J. dissenting in Bering v.  
Share, 721 P.2d 918 (1986), at p. 943 in rejecting a similar submission:  
The words “murder”, “kill”, and their derivatives play an essential role in the debate  
concerning abortion. To those opposed to abortion, the logical conclusion of that moral  
position is that abortions result in babies being killed or murdered. If the court were to  
deprive picketers of the words which most clearly embody the moral position of those  
picketers, it would eviscerate completely the debate concerning abortion. Just as  
abortion proponents must be able to articulate their belief that abortion is constitutionally  
justified as an aspect of a women’s right to procreative freedom…, so must abortion  
opponents be permitted to articulate their  
belief that abortion should not be permitted because it involves the taking of human life.  
There is no question that the use of words such as “kill” and “murder” caused some  
agitation and emotional turmoil. Such responses are an inevitable part of the debate  
which lies at the very heart of freedom of speech Those words embody and crystallize  
the position of anti-abortion activists. Deprived of such words, anti-abortion activists  
would be deprived of the right to carry their argument fully to the public. The worth of  
such words can only be evaluated in the commerce of ideas where they will be judged in  
relation to opposing arguments and ultimately either accepted or rejected.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[527] This is not to deny that the signage may strike observers as shocking and offensive.  
The law of defamation, however, has been sensitive to free speech values. “Offensiveness” is  
often an important part of a speaker’s message: see Farber, “Civilizing Public Discourse”  
(1980), Duke L.J. 283 at p. 302. Similarly, powerful pictures or photographs are also a  
fundamental component of free expression.  
[528] The third category of sign referring to a physician is the sign outside the Choice in  
Health Clinic stating “Abortion Butcher sent to Jail”. This sign is absolutely false in connection  
with Dr. Colodny or any other physician providing abortion services in Ontario. It can only  
have been placed outside the clinic to suggest that Dr. Colodny had been or was to be  
incarcerated. The sign is, therefore, prima facie libellous and defamatory, being “the clearest  
of cases” as described in Canada Dairies Ltd. v. Seggie, [1940] 4 D.L.R. 725 at pp. 730, 733,  
74 C.C.C. 210 (Ont. S.C.): see also Canadian Tire Corp. Ltd. v. Desmond (1972), 24 D.L.R.  
(3d) 642 at p. 644, [1972] 2 O.R. 60 (H.C.J.). An interlocutory injunction in respect of this sign  
is therefore appropriate.  
[529] With respect to the allegation of “group defamation”, there is an absence of Canadian  
authority. While there is American case law in the form of Beauharnais v. State of Illinois, 343  
U.S. 250 (1952), and a related development in Canada of statutory anti-hate prohibitions  
considered in R. v. Keegstra (1990), 61 C.C.C. (3d) 1, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697,1 C.R. (4th) 129,  
there is no existing Canadian common law doctrine supportive of the plaintiff’s claim in this  
respect. In any event, the long-standing public controversy concerning the appropriate policy  
in the area of abortion makes it impossible, with the one exception just mentioned, to  
characterize the signage in issue as defamatory. Nor can these hard-hitting signs and  
statements, in the context of an ongoing “debate” about abortion be equated with racist  
speech: see and compare Wade, “Tort Liability for Abusive and Insulting Language” (1950), 4  
[530] Vand. L. Rev. 63; Riesman, “Democracy and Defamation: Control of Group Libel”  
(1942), 42 Colum. L. Rev. 727; Arkes, “Civility and the Restriction of Speech: Rediscovering  
the Defamation of Groups” [1974], Sup. Ct. Rev. 281; Delgado, “Words that Wound: A Tort  
Action for Racial Insults, Epithets, and Name-Calling” (1982), 17 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 133;  
Heins, “Banning Words: A Comment on Words that Wound’“ (1983), 18 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L.  
Rev. 585; and Rutzick, “Offensive Language and the Evolution of First Amendment  
Protection” (1974), 9 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 1.  
[531] In Canada, defamation of a class does not permit an individual in that class to sue for  
defamation unless it can be established that the statements refer to the plaintiff in the minds  
of reasonable people. Generally, therefore, defamatory statements aimed at groups of  
persons will not be actionable by individual members of the group even if individuals are  
offended or hurt by the remarks: see Klar, Tort Law (1991), at p. 491; and Elliott v. Canadian  
Broadcasting Corp. (1994), 24 C.P.C. (3d) 143, 16 O.R. (3d) 677, 45 A.C.W.S. (3d) 1022  
(Gen. Div.). However, Professor Klar also notes that the existing threshold of what constitutes  
defamatory material is very low and that this has significant consequences for freedom of  
speech in Canada: see p. 488. At p. 484, he writes:  
The cases indicate that virtually all critical comment, whether it be in the form of fact or  
opinion, which portrays a person in an uncomplimentary light will be considered to be  
defamatory. The battle lines in defamation cases are not fought out at the threshold level  
of “what is defamatory?” but with reference to the defences. This is significant. It has the  
effect of quickly shifting the burden of proof to defendants in defamation cases,  
encourages litigation, and creates an atmosphere in which plaintiffs in defamation cases  
are more easily seen as victims, in need of legal protection.  
[532] Nevertheless, the defences of justification and fair comment are quite robust,  
particularly in light of the Charter which has yet to be discussed. Fundamentally, however,  
what tells against the plaintiff’s claim for an injunction on this basis at this stage of the instant  
lawsuit, save for the one clearly libellous sign, is the fact that damages are the normal remedy  
for defamation. As noted previously, the courts will rarely grant an injunction to restrain the  
publication of defamatory material in advance of a trial. Thus, it has been held that an  
injunction will issue only “where the words complained of are so manifestly defamatory that  
any jury verdict to the contrary would be considered perverse by the Court of Appeal”: see  
Rapp v. McClelland & Stewart Ltd. (1981), 128 D.L.R. (3d) 650 at pp. 653-4, 19 C.C.L.T. 68,  
34 O.R. (2d) 452 (H.C.J.). See also Fleming, The Law of Torts, 8th ed. (1992), at p. 594  
where it is stated that: [I]n no event will an injunction issue if its effect is to restrain public  
discussion on matters of public interest.  
(vii) Inducing breach of contract  
[533] The interveners submit that the defendants are attempting to induce the breach of  
contracts between patients and health providers. They contend these actions constitute a  
widespread and persistent nuisance that can be remedied only by an injunction. Inducing  
breach of contract is not a ground of public nuisance explicitly referred to by the plaintiff. But  
given the breadth of public nuisance law and the absence of objection, all of the interveners’  
submissions will be considered. Essentially, their submissions are simply different legal  
characterizations of the conduct the plaintiff seeks to enjoin.  
[534] It is submitted that one of the purposes of the picketing is to induce breaches of  
contracts between clinics and the women attending for abortions. Appointments are made by  
the patients with the doctors. On arriving at the clinic, women are subjected to anti-abortion  
protestors who attempt to dissuade them from entering. It is not necessary to prove, it is  
submitted, that any unlawful means are employed where contractual breaches are the result  
of direct persuasion or intervention by the defendants.  
[535] We are told that the doctrine of inducing breach of contract was first elaborated in  
Lumley v. Gye (1853), 2 El. & Bl. 216, 118 E.R. 749. The defendant had persuaded an opera  
singer, who was under contract to sing exclusively at the theatre managed by the plaintiff, to  
break her contract so that she could sing instead at the theatre managed by the defendant.  
Since this landmark decision, in order to succeed, a plaintiff has had to prove the defendant’s  
knowledge of both the contract and its terms and that the defendant intended to procure a  
breach. There must be conduct by which the defendant directly persuades or induces a third  
party to break a contract with the plaintiff. Statements which merely point out existing reasons  
for not abiding by the terms of a contract are said to constitute merely information and not an  
inducement: see Brown v. Spamberger (1959), 21 D.L.R. (2d) 630 (Ont. C.A.). The cause of  
action also requires that the plaintiff suffer damage. Thus, there must have been a breach of  
contract. Finally, a defendant may be justified in deliberately interfering with a plaintiff’s  
contractual relations based on a moral duty to intervene or an action taken to protect against  
interference with the defendant’s own rights: see Klar, Tort Law, supra, at pp. 439-40.  
[536] The record before me does not disclose either the existence or the terms of contracts  
between patients and physicians or between patients and clinics. There is also an absence of  
evidence to show how the clinics treat the failure of a patient to attend or to carry through her  
decision to have an abortion. Indeed, in this setting, it would be surprising to see the clinics  
treating the situation as one of contractual breach. There is also an absence of evidence  
indicating that breach of contract has occurred or that damages have been sustained.  
Accordingly, a prima facie case of inducing breach of contract has not been made out.  
[537] The interveners also argue that the tort of inducing breach of contract includes  
“interference” with a contract even when it falls short of causing actual breach and submit that  
this tort is better described as “interference with commercial relations”. In this regard, reliance  
is placed on Torquay Hotel Co. v. Cousins, [1969] 1 All E.R. 522 (C.A.). In Torquay Hotel, the  
defendants were held liable for directly persuading a party not to perform its contract with the  
plaintiff notwithstanding Lord Denning’s view that a force majeure clause in the contract  
precluded a claim for breach of contract. However, in the matter at hand, evidence of a  
contract not being performed is lacking. Coupled with the paucity of evidence concerning the  
existence of executory “contractual” relationships between the patients and the clinic, a prima  
facie application of this quite uncertain extension of the tort of inducing breach of contract has  
not been made out: see JWJ Developments Ltd. v. Chase (Village), [1989] 2 W.W.R. 626, 32  
B.C.L.R. (2d) 145, 9 A.C.W.S. (3d) 384 (C.A.). See, generally, Klar, Tort Law, supra, at pp.  
443-4.  
[538] The equally evolving tort of “interference with economic interests by unlawful means”  
would appear to apply only if the picketing is itself unlawful. The potential application of this  
doctrine, therefore, turns on an independent legal characterization of the sidewalk counselling  
and picketing targeted at the patients attending the clinics. The tort most capable of censuring  
this conduct, without bending itself beyond recognition, is that of nuisance. This cause of  
action, therefore, could provide the unlawful means for an action based on interference with  
economic interests.  
(viii) Conspiracy to injure  
[539] It is submitted that the actions of the picketers and those who aid, abet, assist and  
encourage them constitute “a very public conspiracy to injure both abortion providers and  
women seeking abortions”. A conspiracy has been defined as an “agreement of two or more  
to do an unlawful act, or to do a lawful act by unlawful means”: see Mulcahy v. The Queen  
(1868), L.R. 3 H.L. 306 at p. 317. Professor Klar points out that Canadian law recognizes two  
types of conspiracy actions. There is a conspiracy to injure, whereby two or more persons  
combine to effect an unlawful purpose of causing injury to another. A conspiracy to employ  
unlawful means to effect a lawful purpose is of the second type: see Klar, Tort Law, supra, at  
p. 448. Parties who act independently cannot be sued for conspiracy. Here I have in mind  
Jane Ubertino. An agreement, however, need not be in any specific form or constitute a  
binding contract: see Nicholls v. Township of Richmond, [1984] 3 W.W.R. 719 at pp. 730-1,  
52 B.C.L.R. 302 (S.C.).  
[540] To establish the tort of conspiracy to injure, a plaintiff must prove that the predominant  
purpose of the defendants is to cause injury to the plaintiff in contrast to acting in the  
defendants’ own interests. The test is a subjective one: see Klar, Tort Law, supra, at p. 450.  
While the defendants’ conduct may at times delay and prolong the abortion procedure and  
adversely affect the health of patients, the evidence does not disclose that this is their  
subjective purpose. They are no more conspiring to injure than are trade union members  
when picketing or other citizens engaging in protest demonstrations. In fact, concern has  
been expressed about the destructive effect of conspiracy doctrine on otherwise legitimate  
conduct. In the words of Professor Harry Arthurs, quoted in Halifax Antiques Ltd. v.  
Hildebrand (1985), 22 D.L.R. (4th) 289 at p. 298,69 N.S.R. (2d) 375 (S.C.T.D.):  
“The modern tort of conspiracy stands condemned, almost universally, as the vehicle of  
judicial anti-unionism. Authors throughout the common-law world have denounced it as  
a ‘weapon… wielded with transparent partisanship to counter the aspirations of the trade  
union movement’.”  
[541] A prima facie case of conspiracy to injure has not been established on the record  
before me.  
[542] The second type of tortious conspiracy involving the employment of unlawful means  
would be applicable if the picketing and other protest activity are unlawful. Again, this turns on  
whether or not the conduct of all or some of the defendants constitutes a nuisance and meets  
the requirements of Canada Cement LaFarge Ltd. v. British Columbia Lightweight Aggregate  
Ltd. (1983), 145 D.L.R. (3d) 385, 72 C.P.R. (2d) 1, [1983] 1 S.C.R. 452. In that decision,  
Estey J. held that this tort requires the defendants’ unlawful conduct to be directed toward the  
plaintiff (alone or together with others), and that the defendants know, in the circumstances,  
that injury to the plaintiff is likely to and does result. Intent to cause injury to the plaintiff must  
exist, although it may be derived constructively from the fact that the defendants should have  
known that injury to the plaintiff would ensue. As well, the plaintiff must suffer damages. There  
is evidence that Baribeau, Hughes, Wood and Cochrane have aided, coordinated and  
participated in the planning of such activity to constitute an “agreement” within the meaning of  
this tort.  
(ix) Secondary picketing  
[543] It is submitted that the activities of the defendants outside the clinics constitute  
secondary picketing and are therefore unlawful per se at common law. In Hersees of  
Woodstock Ltd. v. Goldstein, supra, at pp. 454-6, it was stated:  
…the right, if there be such a right, of the respondents to engage in secondary picketing  
of appellant’s premises must give way to appellant’s right to trade; the former, assuming  
it to be a legal right, is exercised for the benefit of a particular class only while the latter  
is a right far more fundamental and of far greater importance, in my view, as one which  
in its exercise affects and is for the benefit of the community at large… the interests of  
the community at large must be held to transcend those of the individual or a particular  
group of individuals.  
I view [the cases reviewed] as declaring secondary picketing to be illegal per se.  
[544] In R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery, supra, at pp. 186-7, it was accepted that  
peaceful picketing by trade union members involved the exercise of freedom of expression.  
However, it was also held that an injunction, based on the common law tort of inducing  
breach of contract, was accommodated by s. 1 of the Charter in regulating inappropriate  
secondary labour picketing. This conclusion was premised on the nature of our system of  
collective bargaining, a system described by Professor Paul Weiler in Reconcilable  
Differences (Toronto: 1980), at p. 80:  
…strike action is legal only in order to resolve the dispute with an employer about the  
negotiation of a new collective agreement. Logically, a picket line should be legitimate  
only on such an occasion. As well, the only permissible target of the picket line should  
be the primary employerthat employer with whom the union is negotiating and whom it  
is trying to compel to make favourable concessions in order to settle the agreement.  
Putting it the other way, unions should not be permitted to picket the business of a third  
party. Such a secondary employer is not involved in the primary dispute, it does not  
have it within its power to make the concessions that will settle the new contract, and  
thus it should not be the target of a weapon, whose legitimate purpose is to exact such  
economic concessions.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[545] North American labour relations, therefore, embraces a well-understood difference  
between a proper “primary” target of economic conflict and an improper “secondary target”  
“wholly unconcerned” with the contract negotiations. In both Canada and the United States,  
there is highly refined regulation of picketing that spreads beyond a primary employer: see,  
for example, Beatty, “Secondary Boycotts: A Functional Analysis” (1974), 52 Can. Bar Rev  
388, and Comment, “Secondary Boycotts and the First Amendment” (1984), 51 U. Chi. L.  
Rev. 811. In my view, this approach to labour relations has no application to the picketing and  
protest activity at the clinics. I agree with Kelly J. in Halifax Antiques Ltd. v. Hildebrand, supra,  
who, after a thoughtful discussion of American and Canadian authorities, concluded that  
peaceful non-labour related picketing is not properly subject to secondary picketing analysis:  
see at p. 297. See also Canada Dairies Ltd. v. Seggie, supra, and Williams v. Aristocratic  
Restaurants (1947) Ltd., supra.  
[546] As I understand the interveners’ argument, the primary relationship is between the  
defendants and the government, on the theory that the defendants wish a change in the law.  
The clinic and the doctors are argued to be secondary targets. This, however, is an entirely  
arbitrary classification of the parties caught up in the “abortion debate”. While differences exist  
between picketing at an abortion clinic or a hospital (i.e., the sites where abortions are  
performed), and picketing at a doctor’s office or at a doctor’s home, even these differences  
are much less pronounced than the “primary/secondary” distinction in labour law, a distinction  
which arises from the structure of an employment relationship. “Political protestors” will often  
have multiple targets for their messages because of their multiple purposes. They may wish  
to affect conduct, change attitudes and promote legal change. A prima facie case of  
secondary picketing has not been established.  
(x) Invasion of privacy  
[547] It is submitted that the most serious aspect of the defendants’ activities involves the  
invasion of privacy. These submissions have both common law and constitutional bases.  
When the defendants and others shout, scream, speak to and otherwise communicate with  
women patients entering an abortion clinic, they do so with a clear understanding that these  
women wish anonymity and may be deterred from seeking an abortion by an invasion of their  
privacy. When picketers and sidewalk counsellors speak to the women, they know the women  
do not want to speak to them. It is the protestors who approach the women. The picketers use  
their signs, their presence and their “counselling” techniques to identify to the public that the  
women are entering an abortion clinic with the purpose of exposing that conduct to public  
scrutiny. Several of the defendants acknowledge that the patients wish their decisions to  
remain private. The picketers, counsel submit, want “the world to know that a woman…  
entering an abortion clinic… is going… to have an abortion”.  
[548] In R. v. Wong (1990), 60 C.C.C. (3d) 460, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 36, 1 C.R. (4th) 1,  
constitutional protection was extended to reasonable “expectations of privacy” even where  
illegal activity was being conducted behind closed doors. By parity of reasoning, the  
interveners submit that the common law ought to protect a woman’s reasonable expectation  
of privacy when entering a medical facility to undergo a lawful medical procedure. In support  
of this submission, counsel contend that Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The Queen,  
supra, at pp. 399, 400-2 and 490-1, clearly recognized the profoundly private nature of a  
woman’s decision to have an abortion and that this same constitutional perspective exists in  
the United States: see Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), and Doe v. Bolton, 410 U.S. 179  
(1973). Indeed, the “flip side” of a constitutional concern for privacy is the protection of  
personal autonomy. In this respect, Sopinka J., in Rodriguez v. British Columbia (Attorney-  
General) (1993), 107 D.L.R. (4th) 342, 85 C.C.C. (3d) 15, [1993] 3 S.C.R. 519, described the  
s. 7 interest in a woman’s decision to abort at p. 391:  
In my view, then, the judgments of this court in Morgentaler can be seen to encompass  
a notion of personal autonomy involving, at the very least, control over one’s bodily  
integrity free from state interference and freedom of state-imposed psychological and  
emotional stress.  
[549] In the same case, McLachlin J. cited Morgentaler for the proposition that “it is  
established that s. 7 of the Charter protects the right of each person to make decisions  
concerning his or her body: Morgentaler, supra”. We therefore see in constitutional dialogue  
concerning abortion a continuing emphasis on the privacy and autonomy rights of women. It  
is against these constitutional principles that counsel contend the intentional invasion of  
privacy is a recognized tort in Ontario which should be applied to protect the privacy rights of  
women who seek access to abortion services.  
[550] This submission requires considerable analysis of both fact and law. Factually, the  
picketers and the women they accost are on public sidewalks. Similarly, the picketing at  
hospitals and at doctors’ homes and offices occurs on public sidewalks and roadways. The  
defendants are, therefore, able to assert that there is nothing “private” about the locations  
where the plaintiff seeks an injunction. Further, the issue of abortion, as earlier discussion  
reveals, is clearly a matter of public debate and policy. The defendants also point out that  
“even” Madam Justice Wilson acknowledged, in Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott, supra, that  
at some point in the second trimester, the state has an interest in the pregnancy of a woman  
which could justify the enactment of law to regulate the availability of an abortion thereafter.  
[551] Legally, one cannot speak with confidence of a Canadian tort of invasion of privacy.  
Professor Klar in his text Tort Law, supra, accords only two paragraphs to the topic, stating at  
p. 56:  
Despite some encouraging suggestions from a few courts, it would be fair to say that the  
Canadian tort law does not yet recognize a tort action for invasion of privacy per se.  
Rather, “privacy” rights have been protected under the umbrella of other traditional tort  
actions, and by legislative interventions.  
Several established torts protect privacy interests. The dignity of one’s person is  
protected by several torts, such as assault, battery, the intentional infliction of emotional  
distress, and false imprisonment. One’s right to be left alone to use and enjoy property is  
protected by trespass, and nuisance. One’s reputation is protected by defamation. The  
right to the commercial exploitation of one’s “personality” and “goodwill” also has  
received protection. In Krouse v. Chrysler Can. Ltd., the tort of “appropriation of one’s  
personality”, fashioned from an action on the case, was recognized by the court.  
Another area of growing importance which protects privacy interests is the law relating to  
liability for breach of confidence.  
In view of these alternatives, is a separate tort of “invasion of privacy” necessary? It is  
arguable that it is not. The concept of privacy is too ambiguous and broad to be able to  
be covered adequately in one cause of action. It is desirable to have the different  
aspects of privacy protection dealt with in separate torts which more clearly can focus on  
the interests at hand. Gaps in the law which cannot be filled by extending traditional  
principles can be dealt with as they arise, either through the expansion of the common  
law or by legislative intervention.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[552] Similarly, in Fleming, The Law of Torts, supra, at pp. 601-2 it is stated:  
Violation of privacy has not so far, at least under that name, received explicit recognition  
as a tort by British courts. For one thing, the traditional approach has been to formulate  
tort liability in terms of reprehensible conduct rather than of specified interests entitled to  
protection. For another, our courts have been content to grope forward cautiously along  
the grooves of established legal concepts, like nuisance and libel, rather than make a  
bold commitment to an entirely new head of liability. Some of this hesitation is  
undoubtedly due to the fact that we are here concerned primarily within injury in the  
shape of mental distress, which has so frequently evoked the fear of opening the door to  
fanciful claims. Another factor is the difficulty of drawing a clear line between what  
should and should not be tolerated. The mere fact of living in the crowded society of  
today exposes everyone to annoying contact with others, most of which must be borne  
as the price of social existence. Also, free speech and dissemination of news are  
important competing values, and it is only when intrusion becomes intolerably offensive  
by prevailing standards of taste and propriety that legal intervention would become  
warranted.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[553] In the United States, there is substantial experience about privacy as an independent  
tort. This legal innovation was inspired by a famous article written by Samuel D. Warren and  
Lewis D. Brandeis entitled “The Right to Privacy” (1890), 4 Harv. L. Rev. 193, and which,  
interestingly, synthesized a broad range of English case law in discerning “a right to privacy”.  
Despite this experience, however, the tort has not provided relief to American women when  
confronted by protestors outside abortion clinics. Moreover, Americans have encountered  
problems in reconciling the boundaries of this tort with free speech. Difficulties arise in  
determining the degree to which the law can reasonably protect the sensibilities of society  
without encouraging unmanageable subjective claims inconsistent with the close quarters in  
which we live. Indeed, it has been suggested that privacy is really a “residual notion” and that  
American tort law’s effort to protect this interest has been a mistake: see Kalven Jr., “Privacy  
and Tort Law—Were Warren and Brandeis Wrong?” (1966), 31 Law & Contemp. Probs. 326  
at p. 327.  
[554] It is also said that tort protection of privacy in America is not a single doctrine but rather  
forms separate torts. Making this argument, Professor Prosser in his seminal article “Privacy”  
(1960), 48 Cal. L. Rev. 383 at p. 389 writes:  
What has emerged from the decisions is no simple matter. It is not one tort, but a  
complex of four. The law of privacy comprises four different kinds of invasion of four  
different interests of the plaintiff, which are tied together by the common name, but  
otherwise have almost nothing in common except that each represents an interference  
with the right of the plaintiff, in the phrase coined by Judge Cooley, “to be let alone.”  
Without any attempt to exact definition, these four torts may be described as follows:  
(1) Intrusion upon the plaintiff’s seclusion or solitude, or into his private affairs.  
(2) Public disclosure of embarrassing private facts about the plaintiff.  
(3) Publicity which places the plaintiff in a false light in the public eye.  
(4) Appropriation, for the defendant’s advantage, of the plaintiff’s name or likeness.  
[555] And at p. 391, Professor Prosser notes that “[o]n the public street, or in any other  
public place, [a] plaintiff has no right to be let alone and it is no invasion of privacy to do no  
more than follow him about”. Similarly at p. 394, he states:  
Second, the facts disclosed to the public must be private facts, and not public ones.  
Certainly no one can complain when publicity is given to  
information about him which he himself leaves open to the public eye, such as the  
appearance of the house in which he lives or to the business in which he is engaged.  
Thus, it has been held that a public school teacher has no action for a compulsory  
disclosure of her war work and other outside activities.  
Here two troublesome questions arise. One is whether any individual, by appearing  
upon the public highway, or in any other public place, makes his appearance public, so  
that anyone may take and publish a picture of him as he is at the time. What if an utterly  
obscure citizen, reeling along drunk on the main street, is snapped by an enterprising  
reporter, and the picture given to the world? Is his privacy invaded? The cases have  
been much involved with the privilege of reporting news and other matters of public  
interest and for that reason cannot be regarded as very conclusive; but the answer  
appears to be that it is not. The decisions indicate that anything visible in a public place  
may be recorded and given circulation by means of a photograph, to the same extent as  
by a written description, since this amounts to nothing more than giving publicity to what  
is already public and what anyone present would be free to see…  
(Emphasis added.)  
[556] From a Canadian constitutional viewpoint, it is also important to realize that Madam  
Justice Wilson’s invocation of privacy in the context of s. 7 was not explicitly adopted by other  
justices, who instead focused their attention on security of the person. Illustrative are the  
reasons of Dickson C.J.C. where at p. 401 [Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott], he wrote:  
The case-law leads me to the conclusion that state interference with bodily integrity and  
serious state-imposed psychological stress, at least in the criminal law context,  
constitute a breach of security of the person. It is not necessary in this case to determine  
whether the right extends further, to protect either interests central to personal  
autonomy, such as a right to privacy or interests unrelated to criminal justice.  
[557] Madam Justice Wilson, as noted previously, also recognized that at some point during  
a pregnancy, the state’s interest could overcome the more personal right of autonomy or  
privacy in the context of abortion. But even more fundamentally, the privacy interest described  
by Madam Justice Wilson relates to a woman’s right to make a decision concerning abortion  
without “governmental” intrusion. She did not hold that a woman is entitled to make a decision  
about abortion in a vacuum, free from public comment including the views expressed by  
picketers. Obviously, the defendants’ picketing activity is not government or state action.  
There is, therefore, difficulty in locating a robust constitutional privacy doctrine in Canada in  
this area and even greater difficulty in discerning a correlative common law right. Indeed,  
concerns for the privacy of women attending at abortion clinics alone have not been  
instrumental in the United States where a constitutional right of privacy in effectuating an  
abortion decision is clear and where an invasion of privacy is a recognized tort: see Roe v.  
Wade, supra, and Comment, “Recent Development: Abortion, Protest, and Constitutional  
Protection‘Bering v. Share’” (1987), 62 Wash. L. Rev. 311 at p. 316.  
[558] On the other hand, concerns for “privacy” are not irrelevant on the facts at hand. The  
decision to have an abortion is a profoundly personal matter. Those defendants who picket  
and those who advocate picketing of abortion facilities are acutely aware that women who  
attend such facilities desire privacy. Indeed, as mentioned previously, the defendants intend  
to “expose” these decisions as part of a strategy to deter women from carrying them out.  
However, the defendants do not accept that having an abortion today is an entirely private  
matter. They point out that prior to 1987 the decision to have an abortion was never  
considered one of personal and private choice. And they dispute that Morgentaler, Smoling  
and Scott, supra, has had the effect of privatizing such decisions.  
[559] Nevertheless, it is undeniable that a woman’s interest in personal dignity pervades this  
context, an interest consistent with some of the most poignant and uplifting academic  
commentary in support of a tort of invasion of privacy. For example, Professor Bloustein in  
“Privacy as an Aspect of Human Dignity: An Answer to Dean Prosser” (1964), 39 N.Y.U.L.  
Rev. 962, criticizes Professor Prosser’s failure to identify the real nature of privacy complaints  
at p. 973:  
The most important reason, however, for disputing Dean Prosser’s thesis in regard to  
the intrusion cases is that, in my judgment, he neglects the real nature of the complaint;  
namely, that the intrusion is demeaning to individuality, is an affront to personal dignity.  
A woman’s legal right to bear children without unwanted onlookers does not turn on the  
desire to protect her emotional equanimity, but rather on a desire to enhance her  
individuality and human dignity. When the right is violated, she suffers outrage or affront,  
not necessarily mental trauma or distress. And, even where she does undergo anxiety or  
other symptoms of mental illness as a result, these consequences themselves flow from  
the indignity which has been done to her.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[560] Speaking almost lyrically about the symbolism of privacy, Professor Charles Fried in  
“Privacy” (1968), 77 Yale L.J. 475 at p. 487 states:  
The important thing is that there be some information which is protected. Convention  
may quite properly rule in determining the particular areas which are private.  
Convention plays another more important role in fostering privacy and the respect and  
esteem which it protects; it designates certain areas, intrinsically no more private than  
other areas, as symbolic of the whole institution of  
privacy and thus deserving of protection beyond their particular importance. This  
apparently exaggerated respect for conventionally protected areas compensates for the  
inevitable fact that privacy is gravely compromised in any concrete social system: it is  
compromised by the inevitably and utterly just exercise of rights by others, it is  
compromised by the questionable but politically sanctioned exercise of rights by others,  
it is compromised by conduct which society does not condone but which it is unable or  
unwilling to forbid, and it is compromised by plainly wrongful invasions and aggressions.  
In all this hurly-burly there is a danger that privacy might be crushed altogether, or what  
would be as bad, that any venture outside the most limited area of activity would mean  
risking an almost total compromise of privacy.  
Given these threats to privacy in general, social systems have given symbolic  
importance to certain conventionally designated areas of privacy. Thus in our culture the  
excretory functions are shielded by more or less absolute privacy, so much so that  
situations in which this privacy is violated are experienced as extremely distressing, as  
detracting from one’s dignity and self-esteem. But there does not seem to be any reason  
connected with the principles of respect, esteem and the like why this would have to be  
so, and one can imagine other cultures in which it was not so, but where the same  
symbolic privacy was attached to, say eating and drinking. There are some other more  
subtly modulated symbolic areas of privacy, some of which merge into what I call  
substantive privacy (that is, areas where privacy does protect substantial interests). The  
very complex norms of privacy about matters of sex and health are good examples.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[561] Humane sentiments such as these have, I think, driven the few Canadian authorities  
which speak of invasion of privacy as an independent tort or as an interest worthy of  
protection by existing tort doctrine. There has remained, however, the need to accommodate  
the competing interests of others. And these competing interests have impeded or  
discouraged the development of a cohesive legal doctrine.  
[562] In Motherwell v. Motherwell (1976), 73 D.L.R. (3d) 62, [1976] 6 W.W.R. 550, 1 A.R. 47  
(S.C.A.D.), the plaintiffs sought an injunction on the basis that the defendant’s persistent  
telephone communications constituted harassment. The telephone calls consisted of  
allegations and false accusations against the plaintiff’s wife. The defendant claimed that her  
conduct was perfectly legal and that her communications were lawful and, therefore, the  
plaintiff had no actionable right. However, an injunction was granted and was upheld on  
appeal. The court rejected the appellant’s attempt to make a distinction between nuisance  
and invasion of privacy. Building on the principle that nuisance is a condition or activity which  
unduly interferes with the use or enjoyment of land, the court accepted that the matter  
complained of did not need to emanate from a defendant’s land. Rather, the sources of  
nuisance were held to be protean and become wrongful from the circumstances under which  
they are performed, such as the time, place, extent or the manner of performance.  
[563] As an example, the court noted that watching and besetting can so abuse the right to  
be on public property as to constitute a common law nuisance. Thus, the protracted and  
persistent harassment by telephone of a brother and a father in their homes, and in the case  
of the brother at his office, fell within the principle of private nuisance as recognized by the  
authorities. The conduct amounted to undue interference with the comfortable and convenient  
enjoyment of the respective premises. Importantly, the court also found that not only the  
owners of the property but one of the owners’ spouses had established “a claim in nuisance  
by invasion of privacy through abuse of the system of telephone communications” (at p. 76).  
[564] In Saccone v. Orr, supra, the defendant taped a conversation with the plaintiff. When  
the plaintiff discovered this, the defendant promised not to use it. Subsequently, the  
defendant played the tape at a public meeting. On these facts, the trial judge found an  
invasion of privacy but, in all the circumstances, awarded only nominal damages.  
[565] In Roth v. Roth (1991), 9 C.C.L.T. (2d) 141, 34 M.V.R. (2d) 228, 4 O.R. (3d) 740 (Gen.  
Div.), a dispute over the plaintiffs’ access to their cottage over a road on the defendants’  
property caused the defendants to be charged and convicted under the Road Access Act for  
blocking access to the cottage. One of the defendants was also charged and convicted of  
assault. The defendants trespassed on the plaintiffs’ property to retrieve their own property  
and there were incidents of verbal harassment. On one occasion, the defendants also shut off  
the plaintiffs’ electricity. Mandel J. held that the actions of the defendants, when taken  
together, constituted harassment of the plaintiffs in the enjoyment of their property of a kind  
that a person of normal sensitivity would regard as offensive and intolerable. He, therefore,  
found such conduct to be an invasion of the plaintiffs’ right of privacy. The trial judge also  
found, however, that if there was no remedy for invasion of privacy, the defendants’ conduct  
gave rise to a cause of action in harassment or, to the plaintiff who was the owner of the  
lands, in nuisance. In this respect, he wrote at pp. 158-60:  
The first question to be answered is, is there a right to privacy? In Canada (Director of  
Investigation & Research, Combines Investigation Branch) v. Southam Inc., [1984] 2  
S.C.R. 145, 27 B.L.R. 297, 33 Alta. L.R. (2d) 193, 41 C.R. (3d) 97, [1984] 6 W.W.R. 577,  
(sub nom. Hunter v. Southam Inc.) 14 C.C.C. (3d) 97,55 A.R. 291, 55 N.R. 241,2 C.P.R.  
(3d) 1, 9 C.R.R. 355,  
11 D.L.R. (4th) 641, 84 D.T.C. 6467, the Supreme Court of Canada acknowledged the  
existence of such a right, i.e., “ ‘the right to be let alone by other people’“ (p. 113 [C.R.]);  
and that such a right is not dependent upon “the notion of trespass” but rather “is the  
right to be secure against encroachment upon the citizens’ reasonable expectation of  
privacy in a free and democratic society” [pp. 113-14]. It was there stated that such a  
right was a general right, one aspect of which is dealt with in s. 8 of the Canadian  
Charter of Rights and Freedoms, viz., “everyone has the right to be secure against  
unreasonable search or seizure.” …There being such a general right not dependent on  
trespass to the person or property, nor in my view, to proprietary interest as in nuisance,  
the next question to be answered is, is there an actionable cause for an invasion of such  
right in Canada?  
In Ontario there is no remedy legislated as in some of the other provinces. If there is to  
be a remedy at present, it must be forged by the courts. At the stage of pleadings, the  
courts have refused to dismiss actions for invasion of privacy on the basis that it has not  
been shown that such a right does not exist (see Capan v. Capan (1980), 14 C.C.L.T.  
191 (Ont. H.C.)).  
In my view as to whether the invasion of privacy of an individual will be actionable, will  
depend on the circumstances of the particular case and the conflicting rights involved. In  
such a manner, the rights of the individual as well as society as a whole are served.  
Even if it could be said there is no remedy for the invasion of privacy, such conduct by  
the defendants and the totality thereof in my view would give rise to a cause of action in  
harassment (see Thomas v. National Union of Mine Workers, supra) or to the female  
plaintiff who is the owner of the lands in nuisance (see Motherwell v. Motherwell, supra)  
being the undue interference with the comfort and enjoyment of her home.  
In Valiquette v. Gazette (The) (1991), 8 C.C.L.T. (2d) 302, [1991] R.J.Q. 1075 (S.C.), a  
reporter wrote a front-page story to the effect that a teacher with AIDS was offered full  
salary provided he agreed not to return to work. The plaintiff, prior to his death, brought  
an action in damages against the newspaper, its editor and reporter for violation of his  
right to privacy. The reporter had received information concerning the events from an  
unnamed source. The court held that the defendants were motivated more by  
commercial considerations than by notions of public interest or the protection of the  
plaintiff’s privacy. The court found that a right to privacy includes the right to anonymity,  
the right to live one’s life without interference and one’s right to solitude. It was  
determined that the plaintiff had established his claim by proving an unjustified  
publication of information of a purely personal nature: see, however, Turton v. Buttler  
(1987), 42 C.C.L.T. 74, 85 A.R. 193 (Q.B.).  
[566] These cases illustrate the close relationship between existing torts such as nuisance  
and the elements of human dignity which give rise to concerns for individual privacy. While  
Professor Prosser has critically observed that dignity is a concept sufficiently broad to include  
almost all personal torts, others have seen this as a strength by which either existing or new  
torts should evolve: see Stoljar, “A Re-examination of Privacy” (1984), 4 Legal Studies 67 at  
p. 68. In this respect, Professor Stoljar writes (at p. 74):  
The second mistake is perhaps more serious than the first, arising as it does from a  
confusion of specific torts with wider tort principles. As we have tried to show, it is not as  
though existing torts, with their accidental restraints, contain those principles, the wider  
principles rather shape the torts themselves. And if this analysis is correct, it becomes  
merely a matter of terminology or of verbal classification whether we treat an offensive  
intrusion as a trespass or a nuisance, or, alternatively, as an invasion of privacy eo  
nomine. The reason is that, with the old forms of actions abolished, it can no longer  
matter whether, or to what extent, privacy can be accommodated within an established  
tort, simply because established torts only illustrate more general principles as these  
principles are related to, though not limited by, a specific family of facts. Hence, what  
now alone matters is not the action but the interest we enforce, as well as whether  
privacy represents an interest of which the law does take notice: which, we have seen, it  
does.  
[567] However, the cases relied upon by the interveners, while sensitive to privacy interests,  
also took comfort, if not refuge, in more traditional grounds. The resulting uncertainty has  
provoked criticism that privacy rarely seems to assist in comprehending such outcomes. For  
example, Geoffrey Marshall in “The Right to Privacy: A Sceptical View” (1975), 21 McGill L.J.  
242 at pp. 245-6, writes the following about abortion:  
My point is that though some rights such as those to be free from unreasonable  
searches or from tapping of one’s telephones or interferences in sexual behaviour  
plausibly can be described as interferences with privacy when done in circumstances in  
which we know the interference to be wrong, privacy as such rarely seems to aid in  
determining what those circumstances are. Another example will illustrate this. The  
Supreme Court has ruled that state laws cannot forbid a woman to have a medically  
approved abortion in the first three months of pregnancy, mentioning once more the  
right to privacy. However, it is difficult to see how the interference with privacy is any  
less if the abortion is in the seventh or eighth month, or if it is sought for non-medically  
approved reasons. If we call decisions about our own bodies “private”, what is it that  
makes some decisions about what we put into or take out of them rightly immune from  
interference and others not? Decisions about abortion where a developed foetus is  
involved, of course, bring in arguments about the impact of actions on others (assuming  
that we can decide when a foetus is a person). But neither that decision nor any  
consequent reasoning about the propriety of abortion is much helped by the privacy  
notion. Liberated women who think that abortion should be available on demand, do not,  
I think, base their arguments on any special claim about privacy.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[568] From all of the foregoing, it would appear that invasion of privacy in Canadian common  
law continues to be an inceptive, if not ephemeral, legal concept, primarily operating to extend  
the margins of existing tort doctrine. One significant explanation for this continuing “lack of  
legal profile” arises from the need to accommodate broad counter privileges associated with  
free speech and the vast implications of living in a “crowded society”: see Kalven, supra, at  
p. 337 and Fleming, supra, at p. 602. It is therefore one thing to refuse to strike out a  
statement of claim premised on an invasion of privacy and quite another to grant an  
interlocutory or interim injunction based on the same allegation.  
[569] If there is to be an independent tort of invasion of privacy in Canada, the literature and  
the experience in the United States reveals the need to be sensitive to the close connection  
between privacy and freedom of expression. Hence, any final determination that an injunction  
might properly issue on this basis must await an analysis of freedom of speech. My sense is,  
however, that the privacy interests of women seeking abortions are best accommodated, on  
these peculiar facts and at this stage in the lawsuit, by private and public nuisance doctrine.  
This is because these privacy interests are integrally related to the location and operation of a  
medical facility. With the facility as a geographical reference point, time, place and manner  
accommodations of the competing interests may be worked out with considerable precision.  
Compare Bloustein, “Privacy as an Aspect of Human Dignity: An Answer to Dean Prosser”,  
supra, with Bloustein, “The First Amendment and Privacy: The Supreme Court Justice and  
the Philosopher” (1974), 28 Rutgers L. Rev. 41. And see Markesinis, “The Right to be Let  
Alone versus Freedom of Speech” (1986), Public Law 67 at p. 70.  
(xi) Private and public nuisance  
[570] In an action based on private nuisance, the court must determine whether the  
defendant has interfered with the use and enjoyment of the plaintiff’s land and whether the  
interference is unreasonable: see Royal Anne Hotel Co. v. Village of Ashcroft (1979), 95  
D.L.R. (3d) 756, 8 C.C.L.T. 179, [1979] 2 W.W.R. 462 (B.C.C.A.); leave to appeal to Supreme  
Court of Canada granted 8 C.C.L.T. 179n; Motherwell v. Motherwell, supra, at pp. 70-1. It is  
not necessary that the defendant be in occupation of the land from which the nuisance  
emanates: see Jackson v. Drury Construction Co. (1974), 49 D.L.R. (3d) 183, 4 O.R. (2d) 735  
(C.A.). Thus, a nuisance can emanate from a public place: see J. Lyons & Sons v. Wilkins,  
[1899] 1 Ch. 255; Esso Petroleum Co. Ltd. v. Southport Corp., [1956] A.C. 218 at pp. 224-5;  
Torquay Hotel Co. v. Cousins, supra; and Motherwell v. Motherwell, supra at pp. 71-3. The  
forms of activity constituting nuisance are exceedingly varied and not capable of precise  
definition. In Sedleigh-Denfield v. O’Callagan, [1940] 3 All E.R. 349 (H.L.), Lord Wright stated  
at p. 364:  
It is impossible to give any precise or universal formula, but it may broadly be said that a  
useful test is perhaps what is reasonable according to the ordinary usages of mankind  
living in society, or, more correctly, in a particular society. The forms which nuisance  
may take are protean.  
[571] In determining whether or not a nuisance exists, a court is involved in the reconciliation  
of conflicting claims, “the claim to undisturbed use and the enjoyment of land on the one hand  
with the claim to freedom of action on the other”: see Rainaldi ed., Remedies in Tort (1992),  
vol. 3, at p. 17-31. To constitute a legal nuisance, the annoyance or discomfort must be  
substantial and unreasonable given that all human activity in an urban environment impinges  
on others to a lesser or greater degree. As is stated in Fleming, The Law of Torts, supra, at  
p. 418:  
The paramount problem in the law of nuisance is therefore to strike a tolerable balance  
between conflicting claims of neighours, each invoking the privilege to exploit the  
resources and enjoy the amenities of his property without undue subordination to the  
reciprocal interests of the other. Often the conflict is between residential land use and  
industrial development, for which differing social and economic values have found no  
easy resolution. The eventual compromise of the latter 19th century was to seek  
reconciliation in the notion of “reasonable use”. Legal intervention is warranted only  
when an excessive use of property causes inconvenience beyond what other occupiers  
in the vicinity can be expected to bear, having regard to the prevailing standard of  
comfort of the time and place. Reasonableness in this context is a two-sided affair. It is  
viewed not only from the stand point of the defendant’s convenience, but must also take  
into account the interest of the surrounding occupiers. It is not enough to ask: is the  
defendant using his property in what would be a reasonable manner if he had no  
neighbour. The question is, is he using it reasonably, having regard to the fact that he  
has a neighbour?  
(Emphasis added.)  
[572] Nuisance cases usually turn on the gravity of the harm to the plaintiff and this requires  
a consideration of the character and duration of the conduct complained of. The classic  
statement in this regard is that the inconvenience must materially interfere “with the ordinary  
comfort physically of human existence… according to plain and sober and simple notions…”:  
see Walter v. Selfe (1851), 4 De G. & Sm. 315 at p. 322, 64 E.R. 849 at p. 852. A plaintiff may  
fail to recover where the interference is with a particularly sensitive use and the defendant’s  
actions are otherwise entirely reasonable. However, where the defendant is aware of the  
particular sensitivities and fails to take reasonable care to avoid damage, the result may be  
otherwise: see Fleming, supra, at pp. 421-2 and Rainaldi ed., Remedies in Tort Law, vol. 3,  
supra, at p. 17-34.2. In Fleming, supra, it is also noted, at p. 431, that “organizers of fairs,  
races and other public entertainment have been repeatedly held liable for ‘creating’ a  
nuisance by attracting bad elements who misbehave outside, as by trespassing on adjacent  
property, using profane language or urinating in the street”.  
[573] Nuisance has a strong personal component to it, focusing as it does on reasonable  
enjoyment. Professor Stoljar, in “A Re-examination of Privacy”, supra, at pp. 71-2 writes:  
The tort of nuisance offers another instance where an intrusive or offensive intention can  
make all the difference. Though nuisance has a very prominent proprietary side, it can  
also be an eminently personal wrong. Where you complain about noise, or smells, what  
you complain about is not, necessarily, detriment to your property or property value, but  
interference with your ordinary comforts of life. It is true that you cannot usually complain  
of such a nuisance except qua owner or occupier of a home; but that is so because a  
nuisance occurring elsewhere would be one you yourself expose yourself to; only quâ  
owner or occupier have you no real escape from the unpleasant conditions that  
nuisance creates. A nuisance can be even more personal, as where one’s house is  
“beset” by picketers, the pressure now exerted being on an individual personally. Nor is  
the material question here whether a person suffers in health; the only question is  
whether the annoyance is such as to interfere with one’s ordinary comforts of human  
existence, the comforts people enjoy at a particular time or place.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[574] It is this personal element which supports those cases holding a claim in nuisance is  
not restricted to an occupier who has an enforceable right of occupation: see Foster v. Urban  
District Council of Warblington, [1906] 1 KB. 648, and Motherwell v. Motherwell, supra, at pp.  
77-8. Occupants of a home other than the owner, employees in a business setting and  
medical patients or commercial customers may, as a class, have an interest in controlling a  
nuisance. The interests of the family member, the employee and the patient or customer may  
be integrally related to the reasonable use and enjoyment of the property, indeed to its very  
purpose. However, these interests may be enforced more practically, economically and  
derivatively, by the owner of the home or business or by the operator of a facility servicing  
patients or customers.  
[575] This, essentially, was the situation faced by Craig J. in Morgentaler v. Wiche (1989), 22  
A.C.W.S. (3d) 344, [1989] O.J. No. 2582 (Ont. H.C.J.), where an interlocutory injunction was  
sought and obtained in respect of Operation Rescue activity at the Morgentaler Clinic in  
Toronto. The clinic had been besieged on a daily basis by protestors who had as their goal  
the destruction of the business of the clinic. There were, on various days, 40 to 60 people  
present and their actions were described as including:  
(1) surrounding patients as they approach the clinic, interfering with or blocking or  
partially blocking their entry into the clinic, and shouting at them such slogans as “You  
are killing your child”; “Jesus loves you”; “Don’t murder your baby”; “Don’t let them blow  
up your baby”; That is a killing machine”; It’s a death house”; and, “They murder babies  
in there”;  
(2) harassing patients, insulting and humiliating them, making them feel guilty and  
ashamed. These actions also include telling patients what are alleged to be untruths  
about the abortion procedure. For example, that they will never be able to have children  
again; that they would bleed to death; that they will get AIDS; that the people in the clinic  
do not sterilize their instruments; and nine out of ten women who have an abortion  
commit suicide or suffer post-abortion depression;  
(3) shoving literature in the faces of the patients, that contains what are said to be  
misrepresentations as to both the physical and emotional effects of having an abortion;  
(4) carrying and waving placards outside the premise of Lexogest, which bear such  
slogans as: “Remember Auschwitz”; “Abortion kills”; “They are killing babies in there”;  
“Sue the abortionist for complications”;  
(5) accosting patients as they are entering the clinic and trying to steer them into  
premises next door to the Clinic which are known as “The Way Inn”, which premises are  
occupied by anti-abortion supporters;  
(6) making patients who have been successfully steered into “The Way Inn”, feel they  
are unable to leave, and shoving literature in their faces while they are there;  
(7) offering money as cash payments to patients in order to persuade them not to enter  
the Clinic;  
(8) assaulting escorts who are bringing patients into the Clinic;  
(9) thrusting plastic foetuses into faces of women as they are attempting to enter the  
Clinic, and showing patient pictures of foetuses or babies. One police officer indicated  
that some patients become angry, some become visibly upset, some are in tears, and  
some shout back at the counsellors;  
(10) confronting Dr. Morgentaler and others who are employees of the Clinic as they  
enter the Clinic, or shouting and screaming obscenities at them, proclaiming they are  
“baby killers” and “murderers”; that they are not “Real Women”, and that all the staff of  
the clinic are homosexuals and accusing them as doing such things as gagging women  
and forcing them to have abortions; and  
(11) intimidating, following employees into restaurants and stores and screaming at  
employees of the clinic in public, such things as “You are killing babies”. Sometimes  
harassing employees at their homes and elsewhere; shouting slogans and screaming  
continuously outside the clinic so those inside the clinic can hear; trespassing on clinic  
property and refusing to move; organizing mass demonstrations from time to time.  
Those demonstrations are organized by Operation Rescue.  
[576] Against that factual background, Craig J. granted the requested relief on the basis of  
the tort of nuisance. In so deciding, he wrote:  
The tort of nuisance is committed where the plaintiff is an occupier of land and the  
nuisance interferes with his use and enjoyment of land. The interference must be  
substantial and unreasonable. Physical damage to property is not required. Sensible  
personal discomfort, annoyance or inconvenience is sufficient. Pecuniary loss is not  
necessary. If the primary aim of the defendants is to injure the enterprise of the plaintiffs,  
that will be highly relevant. In nuisance cases, the ordinary remedy is an injunction. In  
Poole v. Ragen, [1958] O.W.N. 77, Mr. Justice McLennan dealt with a claim for  
injunction restraining the defendants, the Toronto Harbour Commissioners from  
interfering with the rights of navigation in the port and harbour of Toronto. I quote from  
his decision at p. 77:  
“The test of whether conduct is a nuisance or not is the effect of such conduct on  
the average reasonable man. In my opinion the conduct of the Harbour Police was  
something more than mere personal inconvenience and interference with  
enjoyment of one’s quiet and one’s personal freedom or anything that discomposes  
or injuriously affects the senses or the nerves, which is the test stated in  
St. Helen’s Smelting Co. v. Tipping (1863), 11 H.L.C. 642. I think it would be an  
affront to the dignity of any man or woman and was such to these plaintiffs and,  
unless justified, is an actionable nuisance on the principle stated by the Master of  
the Rolls, Lord Lindley, in Lyons & Son v. Wilkin, [1899] Ch. 255 at 267-8, that to  
watch or beset a man’s house is a nuisance unless justified.  
“The defendants say that if the plaintiffs’ evidence is true, then what the police did  
was a crime under s. 366(1)(f) of the Criminal Code and an injunction will not be  
granted when a crime has been committed;”  
Later at pp. 77-8:  
“I think that argument is effectively disposed of in the judgment of the Chief Justice  
of the High Court in General Dry Batteries v. Brigenshaw, [1951] O.R. 522, [1951]  
4 D.L.R. 414, where he pointed out the injustice of granting an injunction where no  
crime has been committed and refusing to do so where a crime has been  
committed.”  
Later at p. 79:  
“There will be an injunction restraining the defendant, Ragen, and the defendant  
Commission, its officers, servants and agents from unlawfully following, watching  
and besetting the plaintiffs or unlawfully interfering with the plaintiffs’ rights of  
navigation of the motor launch Poseidon in, about and upon the waters of the port  
and harbour of Toronto.”  
Culp and Hart v. Township of East York, [1956] O.R. 983; affirmed [1957] O.W.N. 515  
(C.A.) is authority for the proposition that the obstruction of an entrance to one’s place of  
business is a nuisance: see also Brazier, The Law of Torts, 8th ed. (1988), pp. 136 and  
322, and Remedies in Tort, (1988), vol. 1, chap. 17, pp. 17-21.  
On the evidence in this case, the inference is quite clear that the primary purpose of  
Operation Rescue and the defendants was to interfere with the  
carrying out of abortions by the plaintiffs. It is more than in inference; it is admitted.  
[577] Much, however, can turn on the conduct, purpose and overall effect of the protestors.  
In Hubbard v. Pitt, [1975] 3 All E.R. 1, [1975] 3 W.L.R. 201 (C.A.), the defendants were  
unhappy with changes in the character of the locality where they lived and worked which they  
attributed in part to the assistance given by local estate agents to higher income house  
buyers. Between March and June, 1974, they organized a campaign to preserve the social  
composition of the area and to require local estate agents to adopt a code of conduct in  
dealing with tenants and their property. The campaign included picketing of the premises of  
leading agents, in which the plaintiffs were partners, for limited periods by small groups of  
people who displayed placards with slogans derogatory to the plaintiffs’ firm. The defendants  
also distributed leaflets explaining the reasons for the picket. The plaintiffs applied for an  
interlocutory injunction in aid of their claim that the defendants were besetting their premises,  
interfering with their business and inflicting damages by reason of nuisance, libel and  
conspiracy. The plaintiffs relied primarily on the tort of private nuisance. In refusing the  
requested relief, Denning L.J. contrasted Ward, Lock & Co. v. Operative Printers’ Assistants’  
Society (1906), 22 T.L.R. 327, with the previously cited J. Lyons & Sons v. Wilkins, supra. At  
p. 9, Lord Denning M.R. quoted from the reasons of Moulton L.J. in the Ward, Lock case and  
then applied those principles to the facts before him:  
The reasons for the decisions were stated by Moulton L.J., in these words:  
“… In support of the plaintiffs’ claim with regard to picketing, it must be shown that  
the defendants or one of them were guilty of a wrongful act, ie, that the picketing  
constituted an interference with the plaintiffs’ action wrongful at common law, or, as  
I think it may accurately be phrased, were guilty of a common law nuisance… there  
is throughout a complete absence of evidence of anything in the nature of picketing  
or besetting which could constitute a nuisance.”  
Seeing that there were six days of continuous picketing, that decision is a direct  
authority that picketing a person’s premises (even if done with a view to compel or  
persuade) is not unlawful unless it is associated with other conduct such as to constitute  
the whole conduct a nuisance at common law. Picketing is not a nuisance in itself. Nor is  
it a nuisance for a group of people to attend at or near the plaintiffs’ premises in order to  
obtain or to communicate information or in order peacefully to persuade. It does not  
become a nuisance unless it is associated with obstruction, violence, intimidation,  
molestation, or threats.  
The root question in the present case is: were the defendants in this case guilty of a  
common law nuisance? There was no obstruction, no violence, no  
intimidation, no molestation, no noise, no smells, nothing except a group of six or seven  
people standing about with placards and leaflets outside the plaintiffs’ premises, all quite  
orderly and well behaved. That cannot be said to be a nuisance at common law. This  
question can be tested by supposing that the placards and leaflets containing nothing  
derogatory of the plaintiffs, but commended and their services. No one could suggest  
that there was a nuisance at common law. This shows that the real grievance of the  
plaintiffs is that the words on the placards and leaflets were defamatory of them. Their  
real cause of action, if it exists, is for libel and not for nuisance.  
[578] Denning L.J. went on to state that picketing is lawful so long as it is done merely to  
obtain or communicate information, or peacefully to persuade and does not submit another to  
any kind of constraint or restriction of his or her personal freedom: see p. 9 and see Hunt v.  
Broome, [1974] A.C. 587 at p. 597 by Lord Reid.  
[579] The plaintiff, however, relies on Lord Denning’s judgment in Attorney-General v. P.Y.A.  
Quarries, Ltd., supra, at p. 908 (previously reproduced), where he defined a public nuisance  
as one “so widespread in its range or so indiscriminate in its effect that it would not be  
reasonable to expect one person to take proceedings on his own responsibility to put a stop  
to it…”. The plaintiff, in turn, directs the court to a significant number of abortion clinic cases  
where protest activity has been enjoined on the basis of a private nuisance: see Assad v.  
Cambridge Right to Life, supra; Morgentaler v. Wiche, supra; Canadian Urban Equities Ltd. v.  
Direct Action For Life, supra; Everywoman’s Health Centre Society (1988) v. Bridges, supra;  
affirming 14 A.C.W.S. (3d) 365, [1989] B.C.J. No. 475 (B.C.S.C.); Gestions Habal Inc.  
operating as Morgentaler Clinic v. Michael O’Malley, Campaign Life Coalition Society of  
Calgary Operation Rescue, May 26, 1993 (Alta Q.B).  
[580] The plaintiff also relies on a number of cases not involving anti-abortion protests where  
picketing has been restrained on the basis of public nuisance. As already discussed,  
Attorney-General of British Columbia v. Ellsay (1959), 19 D.L.R. (2d) 453 (S.C.), involved  
picketing of government buildings and Weisfeld v. Canada (Minister of Public Works), [1990]  
1 F.C. 367, 27 F.T.R. 30, 42 C.R.R. 238, dealt with a “peace camp” set up on Parliament Hill  
to protest cruise missile testing. Indeed, the courts themselves, when confronted with  
picketing at their doorstep, have summarily enjoined the activity notwithstanding constitutional  
claims: see B.C.G.E.U. v. British Columbia (Attorney-General) (1988), 53 D.L.R. (4th) 1,44  
C.C.C. (3d) 289, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 214.  
[581] In the B.C.G.E.U. case, the appellant union picketed all law courts in British Columbia  
in the course of a legal strike with the hope of reducing court activity to matters of urgency. All  
persons who crossed the picket line, however, were considered to have honoured it if they  
first obtained a pass from the trade union. McEachern C.J.S.C. perceived a constitutional duty  
to keep the law courts open and, on his own motion ex parte, issued an injunction restraining  
the picketing and other activities which might have interfered with the operations of the court.  
In disposing of the trade union’s reliance on the freedoms of expression and assembly, it was  
held that unimpeded access to the courts was plainly an objective of sufficient importance to  
override a constitutionally protected right or freedom. In upholding the injunction on appeal to  
the Supreme Court of Canada, Chief Justice Dickson wrote at pp. 11-12:  
Of what value are the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Charter if a person is  
denied or delayed access to a court of competent jurisdiction in order to vindicate them?  
How can the courts independently maintain the rule of law and effectively discharge the  
duties imposed by the Charter if court access is hindered, impeded or denied? The  
Charter protections would become merely illusory, the entire Charter undermined.  
There cannot be a rule of law without access, otherwise the rule of law is replaced by a  
rule of men and women who decide who shall and who shall not have access to justice.  
Counsel for the Attorney-General of British Columbia posed this question:  
“By what authority and on what criteria were the Union leaders deciding who were  
to be given passes and who were to be denied them?”  
I cannot believe that the Charter was ever intended to be so easily thwarted.  
I would adopt the following passage from the judgment of the British Columbia Court of  
Appeal (at p. 406):  
“We have no doubt that the right to access to the courts is under the rule of law  
one of the foundational pillars protecting the rights and freedoms of our citizens. It  
is the preservation of that right with which we are concerned in this case. Any  
action that interferes with such access by any person or groups of persons will rally  
the court’s powers to ensure the citizen of his or her day in court. Here, the action  
causing interference happens to be picketing. As we have already indicated,  
interference from whatever source falls into the same category.”  
[582] With respect to the extent of evidence required to demonstrate this potential effect of  
the picketing, the Chief Justice, under the heading “Picketing and its Effects” wrote at p. 14:  
Picketing of a commercial enterprise in the context of an ordinary labour dispute is one  
thing. The picketing of a court-house is entirely another. A picket line both intention and  
in effect, is a barrier. By picketing the court-houses of British Columbia, the appellant  
Union, in effect, set up a barricade, which impeded access to the courts by litigants,  
lawyers, witnesses, and the public at large. It is not difficult to imagine the inevitable  
effects upon the administration of justice. As the judgments of McEachern C.J.S.C. and  
of Nemetz C.J.B.C. point out, on a daily basis, the courts dispose of hundreds of cases  
in which fundamental rights are at stake. At the very least, the  
picketing was bound to cause delays in the administration of justice and, as has been  
often and truly said, justice delayed is justice denied. The picketing would undoubtedly  
make it difficult, if not impossible, for the courts to process criminal cases with dispatch.  
Any person charged with an offence has the right not to be denied reasonable bail yet  
potential sureties could have been discouraged from entering the court-house to satisfy  
the requirements of a judicial interim release order. An accused has the right to a public  
trial yet the members of the public not issued passes by the Union might have been  
deterred from entering the court-house. Accused persons have a Charter right to a fair  
trial and a statutory right to make full answer and defence. Witnesses crucial to the  
defence could well have been deterred from even requesting a pass to enter the  
court-house to give vital evidence. It is perhaps unnecessary to multiply the examples.  
The point is clear. Picketing a court-house to urge the public not to enter except by  
permission of the picketers could only lead to a massive interference with the legal and  
constitutional rights of the citizens of British Columbia.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[583] The plaintiff has made an analogous claim by emphasizing the interests of women to  
unimpeded access to abortion clinics. These women, it is argued, are in pursuit of their  
constitutional right of access to abortion services as described in the Morgentaler case. The  
defendants, in reply, assert a constitutional right to engage in public demonstration.  
[584] Public and private nuisance cases are not strangers to such competing claims. For this  
reason, they usually turn on their facts and the degree to which the challenged activity  
constitutes a real interference with the activities of the plaintiff to the point of justifying  
extraordinary injunctive relief. Sensitivity to surrounding context and societal needs is also  
commonplace.  
[585] Against this background of legal principle, I find the evidence reveals a prima facie  
interference with the reasonable use and enjoyment of the clinic locations and the homes and  
offices of physicians. A prima facie case of nuisance has not been made out at the hospitals.  
The clinics are medical facilities and women are being traumatized by verbal assault only  
moments before they are to undergo a serious medical procedure. Their reasonable concerns  
for privacy compound the adverse impact of the defendants’ conduct. Given the  
consequences of delay and the limited number of alternative locations at which to obtain the  
same services, these vulnerable women are being held captive by the protestors. A similar  
analysis applies at physicians’ homes and offices. The doctor and his or her family have no  
choice but to submit to the invasion of their day-to-day lives. No one would want this occurring  
at his or her home, including any one of the defendants. The actions of the defendants also  
attract harassment and vandalism by others.  
[586] Doctors’ offices are places of medical treatment and are often frequented by young  
children. That the protestors and their signs are disturbing to young patients of these doctors  
is clear from the incident, described earlier, involving the five-year-old son of a colleague of  
Dr. Berger’s who became distressed by the signs and could not understand why Dr. Berger  
would “kill babies”. The physical immediacy of shocking signs and hostile protestors can  
substantially impair the well-being of these patients. At hospitals, on the other hand, patients  
are not captive because of the number and location of entrances and because of the absolute  
size and location of these facilities. Abortion clinics and the homes and offices of physicians  
are not fairly compared to an industrial plant, commercial establishment or a government  
location where picketing and protests are frequently encountered. Replacement workers and  
consumers expect to encounter such advocacy and can fend for themselves. They are not  
captive to protestors in the same manner as abortion patients nor is their health at risk.  
[587] This, then, leads naturally to a consideration of the Charter both to inform and to limit  
the content of the common law. The defendants rely on their freedoms of speech, assembly  
and religion. They are motivated by a profoundly moral cause. They seek to change the law  
and the actions of doctors and their patients. The defendants’ activities occur on public  
property which they claim to be essential fora for the dissemination of their viewpoint. They  
further claim the government objects to this viewpoint, not to its impact.  
[588] In response are the competing references of the plaintiff and interveners to equality  
and to the liberty of women patients in seeking access to safe abortion services. Morgentaler,  
Smoling and Scott v. The Queen is the focal point of these submissions. A close analysis of  
the impact of picketing and sidewalk counselling on women patients and on their health  
service providers therefore must be undertaken.  
(e) The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms  
(i) Pre-Charter constitutional protection of public protest in Canada  
[589] Prior to the passage of the Charter, public protest was not considered to be a highly  
valued activity from an Anglo-Canadian common law perspective: see generally Stoykewych,  
“Street Legal: Constitutional Protection of Public Demonstration in Canada” (1985), 43 U.T.L.  
Rev. 43. Notwithstanding the judgment of Abbott J. in Switzman v. Elbling (1957), 7 D.L.R.  
(2d) 337 at p. 371, 117 C.C.C. 129, [1957] S.C.R. 285, which suggested the viability of an  
implied Bill of Rights theory, one could not, with assurance, speak of a right to peaceful  
assembly and public protest. Demonstrative is Cribben v. City of Toronto (1892), 21 O.R. 325  
(C.A.), which concerned a prosecution under a municipal by-law prohibiting public speaking in  
parks. It was argued that the by-law, enacted because “declamation and oratory and loud  
talking” had become a nuisance interfering with “the proper enjoyment of … parks, gardens,  
or places for exhibition … rest and recreation”, was an unconstitutional and unreasonable  
interference with freedom of speech in public parks. In summarily disposing of this argument,  
it was stated at p. 330:  
The appellant’s counsel seemed to be under the idea which has been put forward lately,  
that persons were by law entitled to do what they liked in the parks, to make speeches  
or anything of that kind. I am aware of no legal principle and no authority, and I am quite  
confident that there is no enactment which says anything of the sort.  
[590] Similarly, in R. v. Campbell (1962), 35 D.L.R. (2d) 480, 133 C.C.C. 19, [1962] O.R.  
1134 (H.C.J.); affirmed 38 D.L.R. (2d) 579, [1963] 2 C.C.C. 283, [1963] 2 O.R. 149 (C.A.), a  
municipal by-law restricting and licensing public meetings or gatherings in municipal parks  
was also upheld. Reliance on the Canadian Bill of Rights and freedom of speech was  
dismissed on the basis that “to so hold would… do more to destroy the rights sought to be  
preserved in the statute than to protect them”: see p. 482; see also Re Powell and Windsor  
Police Com’rs (1968), 70 D.L.R. (2d) 178, [1968] 2 O.R. 613 (H.C.J.). Rulings such as these  
prevailed notwithstanding that public property is held by the provinces and the municipalities  
in trust for use by the general public: Ex parte Lewis (1888), 21 Q.B.D. 191 at p. 197, per  
Wills J., and Stoykewych, “Street Legal”, supra, at p. 51. This was because “public access” to  
such property was held to be limited to the specific uses to which the public property was  
intended to be put, creating the test of “unreasonable user” for the tort of trespass: see Nagy  
v. Weston, [1965] 1 W.L.R. 280. Thus in R. v. Burko (1968), 3 D.L.R. (3d) 330, [1969] 3  
C.C.C. 72, [1969] 1 O.R. 598 (Mgt. Ct.), the distributing of political leaflets near a public  
school was held to be inconsistent with the purpose for which the school was maintained; see  
also Hersees of Woodstock v. Goldstein (1963), 38 D.L.R. (2d) 449, 63 C.L.L.C. 666, [1963] 2  
O.R. 81 (C.A.).  
[591] Until the passage of the Charter, the leading case in this respect was A-G. Can. v.  
Dupond (1978), 84 D.L.R. (3d) 420, [1978] 2 S.C.R. 770, 5 M.P.L.R. 4. This case involved a  
ratepayer’s challenge to a Montreal by-law empowering the city’s executive committee “to  
take measures to prevent or suppress” all assemblies, parades, and gatherings on the city’s  
public domain. The by-law was a response to occasionally violent demonstrations involving  
police strikes, other labour disturbances and F.L.Q. activities in and about 1969. In rejecting  
the claim that the by-law violated fundamental freedoms of speech, assembly, association,  
the press and religion, Beetz J. held that the right to hold public meetings on a highway or in a  
park was unknown to English law. In this respect, he wrote at pp. 439-40:  
I am afraid I cannot avoid answering in kind appellants’ submission. I believe I can state  
my position in a relatively small number of propositions which require little or no  
development for, difficult as it is at this level of abstraction, I must try not to say more  
than is necessary to dispose of this submission:  
1. None of the freedoms referred to is so enshrined in the Constitution as to be above  
the reach of competent legislation.  
2. None of those freedoms is a single matter coming within exclusive federal or  
provincial competence. Each of them is an aggregate of several matters which,  
depending on the aspect, come within federal or provincial competence.  
3. Freedoms of speech, of assembly and association, of the press and of religion are  
distinct and independent of the faculty of holding assemblies, parades, gatherings,  
demonstrations or processions on the public domain of a city. This is particularly so with  
respect to freedom of speech and freedom of the press as considered in the Alberta  
Press Act Case, supra. Demonstrations are not a form of speech but of collective action.  
They are of the nature of a display of force rather than that of an appeal to reason; their  
inarticulateness prevents them from becoming part of language and from reaching the  
level of discourse.  
4. The right to hold public meetings on a highway or in a park is unknown to English law.  
Far from being the object of a right, the holding of a public meeting on a street or in a  
park may constitute a trespass against the urban authority in whom the ownership of the  
street is vested even though no one is obstructed and no injury is done; it may also  
amount to a nuisance: A.L. Goodhart, “Public Meetings and Processions”, 6 Cambridge  
Law Jo. 161 (1937); W. Iver Jennings, op. cit.; E.C.S. Wade, “Police Powers and Public  
Meetings”, 7 Cambridge Law Jo. 175 (1937); André Jodouin, “La Liberté de manifester”  
1 Revue Généralé de Droit, U. of Ottawa 9 (1970). The state of English law is perhaps  
best summarized in a well-known dictum of that great English Judge, Wills, J., in Ex  
parte Lewis (1888), 21 Q.B.D. 191 at p. 197:  
“A claim on the part of persons so minded to assemble in any numbers, and for so long  
a time as they please to remain assembled, upon a highway, to the detriment of others  
having equal rights, is in its nature irreconcilable with the right of free passage, and  
there is, so far as we have been able to ascertain, no authority whatever in favour of it. It  
was urged that the right of public meeting, and the right of occupying any unoccupied  
land or highway that might seem appropriate to those of Her Majesty’s subjects who  
wished to meet there, were, if not synonymous, at least, correlative. We fail to  
appreciate the argument,  
nor are we at all impressed with the serious consequences which it was said would  
follow from a contrary view. There has been no difficulty experienced in the past, and we  
anticipate none in the future, when the only and legitimate object is public discussion,  
and no ulterior and injurious results are likely to happen. Things are done every day, in  
every part of the kingdom, without let or hindrance, which there is not and cannot be a  
legal right to do and not infrequently are submitted to with a good grace because they  
are in their nature incapable, by whatever amount of user, of growing into a right.”  
Being unknown to English law, the right to hold public meetings on the public domain of  
a city did not become part of the Canadian Constitution under the preamble of the British  
North America Act, 1867.  
5. The holding of assemblies, parades or gatherings on the public domain is a matter  
which, depending on the aspect, comes under federal or provincial competence and falls  
to be governed by federal and provincial legislation such as the Criminal Code, laws  
relating to picketing, civil laws, municipal regulations and the like including s. 5 of the  
impugned by-law and the ordinance passed pursuant to it.  
6. The Canadian Bill of Rights, assuming it has anything to do with the holding of  
assemblies, parades or gatherings on the public domain, does not apply to provincial  
and municipal legislation.  
[592] The passage of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms has radically altered  
this perspective, bringing Canadian law and practice more into tune with the fundamental  
nature of public speech in its various democratic manifestations. It is now recognized that  
speaking out on public property is an important aspect of political participation, particularly for  
individuals and groups who lack access to the official press or media or even to mainstream  
political life: see Stoykewych, “Street Legal”, supra, at p. 45; Committee for the  
Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada (1991), 77 D.L.R. (4th) 385, [1991] 1 S.C.R. 139, 4  
C.R.R. (2d) 60; and Peterborough (City) v. Ramsden (1993), 106 D.L.R. (4th) 233, [1993] 2  
S.C.R. 1084,23 C.R. (4th) 391.  
(ii) Application of the Charter  
[593] The Charter has relevance in these proceedings both as a source for informing the  
common law doctrines of nuisance and public nuisance and as a superordinate constraint on  
common law doctrine supporting government action. The former use is represented by  
Justice McIntyre’s statement in R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd., supra, at  
p. 198: “… the judiciary ought to apply and develop the principles of the common law in a  
manner consistent with the fundamental values enshrined in the Constitution”. See also R. v.  
Salituro (1991), 68 C.C.C. (3d) 289, [1991] 3 S.C.R. 654, 9 C.R. (4th) 324. The latter  
proposition is the essence of the Charter, the regulation of government action. There is, of  
course, much potential for overlap in these two perspectives given the historic  
accommodation of public policy within the constituent elements of “undue interference” and  
“reasonable enjoyment” in nuisance law: see, for example, Hubbard v. Pitt, supra, and the  
previous quotation from the judgment of Denning L.J. Accordingly, both usages of the  
Charter, in these circumstances, can be undertaken together. In my view, it is unlikely that a  
nuisance will be found to exist where that finding would contravene either the spirit or the  
express wording of the Charter.  
(iii) Freedom of expression  
[594] The defendants submit that picketing, verbal communication in the form of “sidewalk  
counselling” and pamphlet distribution are forms of expression which attract constitutional  
protection. Counsel contend that the blanket injunction sought by the Attorney-General, if  
granted, would seriously infringe the Charter rights of all Ontario citizens who would be  
affected by the order and, specifically, would infringe the defendants’ freedom of expression.  
The Attorney-General and the interveners reply that conveyance of meaning through a form  
which is violent or threatening is not a protected freedom of expression. The targeting of only  
women, they submit, is discriminatory and constitutes intimidation and harassment. Moreover,  
it is designed to stop abortion providers from offering services to women patients who are  
exercising their constitutional rights to security of the person, to privacy and to equality. The  
defendants, however, place great emphasis on the fact that all of their expressive activity  
occurs on public property. Freedom of expression, they argue, cannot be exercised in a  
vacuum and necessarily implies the use of physical space in order to achieve its underlying  
objectives. The Attorney-General replies that freedom of expression cannot be invoked in a  
manner which interferes with the proper use of a particular location. The picketing and  
sidewalk counselling are said to be incompatible with the use of public areas around medical  
facilities and doctors’ homes.  
[595] The resolution of these conflicting claims requires a detailed review of the nature and  
scope of s. 2(b) of the Charter.  
(1) The nature and scope of s. 2(b)  
[596] The rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Charter must be given a broad, liberal and  
purposive interpretation: see Hunter v. Southam Inc. (1984), 11 D.L.R. (4th) 641, 14 C.C.C.  
(3d) 97, 2 C.P.R. (3d) 1, [1984] 2 S.C.R. 145; R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd. (1985), 18 D.L.R.  
(4th) 321 at p. 352, 18 C.C.C. (3d) 385, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 295, per Dickson J.; Ford v. Quebec  
(Attorney-General) (1988), 54 D.L.R. (4th) 577, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 712, 10 C.H.R.R. D/5559;  
Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney-General) (1989), 54 D.L.R. (4th) 577 at pp. 607-8, 25  
C.P.R. (3d) 417, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927, per Dickson C.J.C.; and R. v. Keegstra (1990), 61  
C.C.C. (3d) 1 at p. 66, [1990] 3 S.C.R. 697, 1 C.R. (4th) 129, per Dickson C.J.C. There is an  
analytical separation between the definitional process of assessing the particular expressive  
activity with reference to the values, interests and purposes defining the scope of s. 2(b) and  
the weighing of competing interests and values which might justify a qualification to or  
limitation of expressive activity under s. 1. In determining the scope of s. 2(b), the emphasis,  
indeed the exclusive focus, is to be on those values, interests and purposes which underlie  
freedom of expression. The balancing of competing interests which are not foundational to  
s. 2(b) must await analysis pursuant to s. 1.  
[597] This expansive approach to freedom of expression is reflected in the judgment of  
Dickson C.J.C. in Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney-General), supra, at pp. 606-8:  
“Expression” has both a content and a form, and the two can be inextricably connected.  
Activity is expressive if it attempts to convey meaning. That meaning is its content.  
Freedom of expression was entrenched in our Constitution and is guaranteed in the  
Quebec Charter so as to ensure that everyone can manifest their thoughts, opinions,  
beliefs, indeed all expressions of the heart and mind, however unpopular, distasteful or  
contrary to the mainstream. Such protection is, in the words of both the Canadian and  
Quebec Charters, “fundamental” because in a free, pluralistic and democratic society we  
prize a diversity of ideas and opinions for their inherent value both to the community and  
to the individual. Free expression was for Cardozo J. of the United States Supreme  
Court “the matrix, the indispensable condition of nearly every other form of freedom”  
(Palko v. Connecticut, 302 U.S. 319 (1937), at p. 327); for Rand J. of the Supreme Court  
of Canada, it was “little less vital to man’s mind and spirit than breathing is to his  
physical existence” (Switzman and Elbling (1957), 7 D.L.R. (2d) 337 at p. 358, 117  
C.C.C. 129, [1957] S.C.R. 285). And as the European Court stated in the Handyside  
case, Eur. Court H.R., decision of April 29, 1976, Series A, No. 24, at p. 23, freedom of  
expression:  
“… is applicable not only to ‘information’ or ‘ideas’ that are favourably received or  
regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend,  
shock or disturb the State or any sector of the population. Such are the demands of  
that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no  
‘democratic society’”  
We cannot, then, exclude human activity from the scope of guaranteed free expression  
on the basis of the content or meaning being conveyed. Indeed, if the activity conveys or  
attempts to convey a meaning, it has expressive content and prima facie falls within the  
scope of the guarantee. Of course, while most human activity combines expressive and  
physical elements, some human activity is purely physical and does not convey or  
attempt to convey meaning. It might be difficult to characterize certain day-to-day tasks,  
like  
parking a car, as having expressive content. To bring such activity within the protected  
sphere, the plaintiff would have to show that it was performed to convey a meaning. For  
example, an unmarried person might, as part of a public protest, park in a zone reserved  
for spouses of government employees in order to express dissatisfaction or outrage at  
the chosen method of allocating a limited resource. If that person could demonstrate that  
his activity did in fact have expressive content, he would, at this stage, be within the  
protected sphere and the s. 2(b) challenge would proceed.  
The content of expression can be conveyed through an infinite variety of forms of  
expression: for example, the written or spoken word, the arts, and even physical  
gestures or acts. While the guarantee of free expression protects all content of  
expression, certainly violence as a form of expression receives no such protection. It is  
not necessary here to delineate precisely when and on what basis a form of expression  
chosen to convey a meaning falls outside the sphere of the guarantee. But it is clear, for  
example, that a murderer or rapist cannot invoke freedom of expression in justification of  
the form of expression he has chosen. As McIntyre J., writing for the majority in  
R.W.D.S.U. v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd. (1986), 33 D.L.R. (4th) 174 at p. 187, [1986] 2  
S.C.R. 573, 9 B.C.L.R. (2d) 273, observed in the course of discussing whether picketing  
fell within the scope of s. 2(b):  
“Action on the part of the picketers will, of course, always accompany the  
expression, but not every action on the part of the picketers will be such as to alter  
the nature of the whole transaction and remove it from Charter protection for  
freedom of expression. That freedom, of course, would not extend to protect  
threats of violence or acts of violence.”  
Indeed, freedom of expression ensures that we can convey our thoughts and feelings in  
non-violent ways without fear of censure.  
The broad, inclusive approach to the protected sphere of free expression here outlined  
is consonant with that suggested by some leading theorists. Thomas Emerson, in his  
article entitled “Toward a General Theory of the First Amendment” (1963), 72 Yale L.J.  
877, notes (at p. 886) that:  
“… the theory of freedom of expression involves more than a technique for arriving  
at better social judgments through democratic procedures. It comprehends a vision  
of society, a faith and a whole way of life. The theory grew out of an age that was  
awakened and invigorated by the idea of a new society in which man’s mind was  
free, his fate determined by his own powers of reason, and his prospects of  
creating a rational and enlightened civilization virtually unlimited. It is put forward  
as a prescription for attaining a creative, progressive, exciting and intellectually  
robust community. It contemplates a mode of life that, through encouraging  
toleration, scepticism, reason and initiative, will allow man to realize his full  
potentialities. It spurns the alternative of a society that is tyrranical, conformist,  
irrational and stagnant.”  
[598] Similar characterizations of the fundamental nature and purposes of freedom of  
expression can be found throughout several Supreme Court of Canada cases dealing with  
this important freedom. These include R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd. (1986),  
33 D.L.R. (4th) 174 at p. 183, [1986] 2 S.C.R. 573, 38 C.C.L.T. 184, where reference was  
made to the “truth seeking” purpose of freedom of expression through the “free trade in  
ideas”; Ford v. Quebec (Attorney-General), supra, at p. 617, which broadly listed several  
societal values justifying the protection of the right to freedom of expression; and Edmonton  
Journal v. Alberta (Attorney-General) (1989), 64 D.L.R. (4th) 577 at p. 607, [1989] 2 S.C.R.  
1326, 41 C.P.C. (2d) 109, where it was found “difficult to imagine a guaranteed right more  
important to a democratic society…”.  
[599] Chief Justice Dickson in Irwin Toy Ltd., supra, at p. 612, summarized the principles and  
values underlying the vigilant protection of free expression in a society such as ours. They  
include: (1) the seeking and attaining of truth which is an inherently good activity; (2) the  
fostering and encouragement of participation in social and political decision-making; and (3)  
the cultivation of diversity in forms of individual self-fulfilment and human flourishing in an  
essentially tolerant, indeed welcoming, environment not only for the sake of those who  
convey a meaning, but also for the sake of those to whom it is conveyed. In this latter regard,  
several Supreme Court of Canada decisions have emphasized that freedom of expression is  
of benefit to both the speaker and the listener: see R. v. Keegstra, supra, at p. 47; Ford v.  
Quebec (Attorney-General), supra, at pp. 610-11; and Edmonton Journal v. Alberta  
(Attorney-General), supra, at p. 609.  
[600] Against this framework, unsurprisingly, the cases have given an expansive meaning to  
the term “expression”, including hate propaganda as in R. v. Keegstra, supra; commercial  
advertising as in Rocket v. Royal College of Dental Surgeons of Ontario (1990), 71 D.L.R.  
(4th) 68, [1990] 2 S.C.R. 232, 47 C.R.R. 193; Ford v. Quebec (Attorney-General), supra, and  
Quebec (Attorney-General) v. Irwin Toy Ltd., supra; picketing as in R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v.  
Dolphin Delivery, supra, and B.C.G.E.U. v. British Columbia (Attorney-General), supra;  
portable placards, advertising leaflets and magazines as in Committee for the Commonwealth  
of Canada v. Canada, supra; the selling and renting of “hard core” videotapes and magazines  
as well as sexual paraphernalia as in R. v. Butler (1992), 89 D.L.R. (4th) 449, 70 C.C.C. (3d)  
129, [1992] 1 S.C.R. 452; solicitation by prostitutes as in Reference re: ss.193 and 195.1(1)(c)  
of the Criminal Code (Man.) (1990), 56 C.C.C. (3d) 65, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123, 77 C.R. (3d) 1;  
lies such as the assertion that the Holocaust is a myth as in R. v. Zundel (1992), 95 D.L.R.  
(4th) 202, 75 C.C.C. (3d) 449, [1992] 2 S.C.R. 731; and commercial posters placed on hydro  
poles as in Peterborough (City) v. Ramsden, supra.  
[601] In R. v. Keegstra, supra, at p. 26, Dickson C.J.C. rejected an analogy of hate  
propaganda to violence, a metaphor strikingly similar to that urged in this proceeding by the  
Attorney-General and the interveners in characterizing the defendants’ activities as  
“psychological terrorism” or “assaultive speech”. In so rejecting the analogy, the Chief Justice  
wrote:  
Turning specifically to the proposition that hate propaganda should be excluded from the  
coverage of s. 2(b), I begin by stating that the communications restricted by s. 319(2)  
cannot be considered as violence, which on a reading of Irwin Toy I find to refer to  
expression communicated directly through physical harm. Nor do I find hate propaganda  
to be analogous to violence, and through this route exclude it from the protection of the  
guarantee of freedom of expression. As I have explained, the starting proposition in  
Irwin Toy is that all activities conveying or attempting to convey meaning are considered  
expression for the purposes of s. 2(b); the content of expression is irrelevant in  
determining the scope of this Charter provision. Stated at its highest, an exception has  
been suggested where meaning is communicated directly via physical violence, the  
extreme repugnance of this form to free expression values justifying such an  
extraordinary step. Section 319(2) of the Criminal Code prohibits the communication of  
meaning that is repugnant, but the repugnance stems from the content of the message  
as opposed to its form. For this reason, I am of the view that hate propaganda is to be  
characterized as expression so as to bring it within the coverage of s. 2(b).  
As for threats of violence, Irwin Toy spoke only of restricting s. 2(b) to certain forms of  
expression, stating at p. 607 that:  
“While the guarantee of free expression protects all content of expression, certainly  
violence as a form of expression receives no such protection. It is not necessary  
here to delineate precisely when and on what basis a form of expression chosen to  
convey a meaning falls outside the sphere of the guarantee. But it is clear, for  
example, that a murderer or rapist cannot invoke freedom of expression in  
justification of the form of expression he has chosen.”  
While the line between form and content is not always easily drawn, in my opinion  
threats of violence can only be so classified by reference to the content of their meaning.  
As such, they do not fall within the exception spoken of in Irwin Toy, and their  
suppression must be justified under s. 1. As I do not find threats of violence to be  
excluded from the definition of expression envisaged by s. 2(b), it is unnecessary to  
determine whether the threatening aspects of hate propaganda can be seen as threats  
of violence, or analogous to such threats, so as to deny it protection under s. 2(b).  
(Emphasis in original.)  
[602] When analyzing expressive activity, the form of expression may be as important as its  
content. Indeed, in many instances, the form and content of expression are inseparable.  
American examples which come to mind include the burning of a draft card as in United  
States v. O’Brien, 391 U.S. 367 (1968), or the desecration of a flag as in Texas v. Johnson,  
491 U.S. 397 (1989). Dissenting expression may also involve unconventional, indeed  
offensive, speech. Protests are rarely polite. Dissenting speech may shock and offend, and  
may be intended to have such effects in order for the message “to register”: see Emerson,  
“Towards A General Theory of the First Amendment”, supra, at p. 888. This relationship  
between the form and content of expression sometimes makes it difficult to draw a line  
between the two. This is reflected in the words of Lamer C.J.C. in Reference re: ss. 93 and  
195.1(1)(c) of the Criminal Code, supra, at pp. 108-9:  
The content of expression is conveyed through an infinite variety of forms including the  
written or spoken word, the arts and physical gestures or acts. While the guarantee of  
free expression protects all content, all forms are not, however, similarly protected. In  
Irwin Toy, supra, the court stated that it was not necessary in that case to delineate  
when and on what basis a form of expression chosen to convey a meaning falls outside  
the sphere of the guarantee. While that statement applies with equal force to this  
appeal, I, nevertheless, think it is appropriate at this stage of Charter jurisprudence to  
make some additional comments.  
As I have stated, form and content are often connected. In some instances they are  
inextricably linked. One such example is language. In my view, the choice of the  
language through which one communicates is central to one’s freedom of expression.  
Art may be yet another example of where form and content intersect.  
[603] Where a challenged government action intentionally restricts the content of expression  
by singling out particular meanings that, in the government’s opinion, are not to be conveyed,  
Chief Justice Dickson held in Irwin Toy Ltd., supra, at p. 610 “it necessarily limits the  
guarantee of free expression”. Similarly, if the government’s purpose is to restrict a form of  
expression in order to control access by others to a message or to control the conveyance of  
that message, the government’s action also violates freedom of expression. If the purpose of  
government, however, is focused on the physical consequences of conduct regardless of the  
meaning being conveyed, it cannot be said that government’s purpose is to control  
expression. Nevertheless, it must still be determined whether “the effect” of the government  
action is to restrict a plaintiff’s freedom of expression. But, in this instance, the burden is on  
the party invoking the Charter to demonstrate this effect, and to do so she must link her  
conduct to the principles and values underlying freedom of expression as summarized in the  
earlier quotation taken from Irwin Toy Ltd., supra, at p. 609. In this respect, the Chief Justice  
continued at pp. 612-13:  
In showing that the effect of the government’s action was to restrict her free expression,  
a plaintiff must demonstrate that her activity promotes at least one of these principles. It  
is not enough that shouting, for example, has an expressive element. If the plaintiff  
challenges the effect of government action to control noise, presuming that action to  
have a purpose neutral as to expression, she must show that her aim was to convey a  
meaning reflective of the principles underlying freedom of expression. The precise and  
complete articulation of what kinds of activity promote these principles is, of course, a  
matter for judicial appreciation to be developed on a case-by-case basis. But the plaintiff  
must at least identify the meaning being conveyed and how it relates to the pursuit of  
truth, participation in the community, or individual self-fulfillment and human flourishing.  
(2) Application of s. 2(b) to the facts  
[604] In light of this framework, and on the understanding that the balancing of conflicting  
values is to be undertaken in a contextual manner pursuant to s. 1 of the Charter, it is not  
possible to exclude the central elements of the respondents’ conduct from the protection of  
s. 2(b). The picketing and all its signage, the handing out of leaflets, the speaking to  
prospective patients, the walking and praying of Ubertino, the use of graphic language such  
as “kill” or “murder” and the carrying and display of icons all have expressive purposes. The  
language, the photographs and the images generally are considered by the defendants to be  
essential to the abortion debate. Here, I am addressing the activity of the defendants over the  
previous two or three years.  
[605] With respect to the Operation Rescue conduct referred to by the Attorney-General, it  
has not been engaged in by any of the defendants since 1990. This action was initiated in  
April, 1993. Such obviously unlawful conduct cannot, therefore, be the primary basis for an  
interlocutory order requested at this time. However, mass picketing, meaning an excessively  
large number of pickets, while not a regular feature of the more recent clinic protests, has  
occurred periodically up to the commencement of these proceedings. Mass picketing has an  
expressive purpose and falls within the protection of s. 2(b). But it may constitute a misuse of  
public property because of its intimidating and physically disrupting effects as discussed in  
Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada and Peterborough (City) v.  
Ramsden. It may, therefore, be properly regulated. The unpredictable occurrence and  
conduct of large gatherings of protestors, particularly against the backdrop of the earlier  
unlawful Operation Rescue activity, has also required the clinics to maintain security akin to  
jails or banks. These consequences of mass picketing, magnified by the less recent  
Operation Rescues, may be responded to by an order restraining the demonstrators  
protesting at all clinics to within a defined and reasonable distance from clinic entrances.  
[606] Hospitals, however, have many more entrances and are generally set back from public  
streets. Abortion patients, as a result, are not readily identified at these locations. Accordingly,  
such restricting orders would not be necessary with respect to hospitals.  
[607] However, all of the defendants’ other activities that occur on public property are much  
smaller in scale, usually involving a handful of peaceful protestors. Their counsel argue that  
the free expression of these persons cannot occur in the abstract but must occupy the  
strategic public space contiguous to the clinics, offices and doctors’ homes. Is the smaller  
scale conduct protected by s. 2(b) having regard to the locations of its occurrence? In my  
view, it clearly is.  
[608] In Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, the respondents  
Lépine and Delan, respectively the secretary and vice-president of the Committee for the  
Commonwealth of Canada, went to the Montreal International Airport at Dorval to promote  
knowledge of their group and their political goals and to recruit members. They walked  
through the first floor of the terminal with portable placards, advertising leaflets and  
magazines. They approached travellers and other passers-by, informed them about the goals  
of the group and solicited membership. An RCMP officer stopped them and instructed them to  
cease their activities in accordance with the Government Airport Concession Operations  
Regulations, SOR/79-373, which prohibited any advertising or solicitation in the airport. The  
respondents brought an action in the Federal Court of Canada seeking a declaration that the  
areas open to the public at the airport constituted a public forum where fundamental freedoms  
could be exercised. On appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada, they succeeded in these  
claims.  
[609] As Justice Iacobucci pointed out in Peterborough (City) v. Ramsden, supra, at pp. 241-  
4, three separate approaches were articulated in Committee for the Commonwealth of  
Canada concerning the appropriate standard to be applied to determine whether expressive  
activity falling prima facie within s. 2(b) and occurring on public property is constitutionally  
protected. In this respect he wrote in Ramsden at pp. 242-4:  
The broadest approach was taken by L’Heureux-Dubé, J. who emphasized, at p. 426,  
that for those with scant resources, the use of public property may be the only means of  
engaging in expressive activity:  
“If members of the public had no right whatsoever to distribute leaflets or engage in  
other expressive activity on government-owned  
property (except with permission), then there would be little if any opportunity to  
exercise their rights of freedom of expression. Only those with enough wealth to  
own land, or mass media facilities (whose ownership is largely concentrated),  
would be able to engage in free expression. This would subvert achievement of the  
Charter’s basic purpose as identified by this court, i.e., the free exchange of ideas,  
open debate of public affairs, the effective working of democratic institutions and  
the pursuit of knowledge and truth. These eminent goals would be frustrated if for  
practical purposes, only the favoured few have any avenue to communicate with  
the public.”  
None the less, L’Heureux-Dubé J. recognized that certain kinds of public property must  
remain outside of the scope of s. 2(b). She held that restrictions on the time, place, and  
manner of expressive activity must be justified under s. 1, rather than within the s. 2(b)  
analysis. She stated, at p. 426, that “some, but not all, government-owned property is  
constitutionally open to the public for engaging in expressive activity”. She then listed, at  
pp. 429-30, the criteria for determining when public property will be considered a “public  
arena” and prohibitions on expressive activity thereon will not be justified under s. 1:  
1. The traditional openness of such property for expressive activity.  
2. Whether the public is ordinarily admitted to the property as of right.  
3. The compatibility of the property’s purpose with such expressive activities.  
4. The impact of the availability of such property for expressive activity on the  
achievement of s. 2(b)’s purposes.  
5. The symbolic significance of the property for the message being communicated.  
6. The availability of other public arenas in the vicinity of her expressive activities.  
The Chief Justice reviewed the interest of the individual wishing to express him- or  
herself, and the government’s interest in ensuring effective operation of services and  
undertakings in accordance with their intended purpose. Lamer C.J.C. concluded as  
follows at pp. 394-5:  
“In my opinion, the ‘freedom’ which an individual may have to communicate in a  
place owned by the government must necessarily be circumscribed by the interests  
of the latter and of the citizens as a whole: the individual will only be free to  
communicate in a place owned by the state if the form of expression he uses is  
compatible with the principal function or intended purpose of that place.”  
The Chief Justice therefore held, at pp. 395-6, that “if the expression takes a form that  
contravenes or is inconsistent with the function of the place where the attempt to  
communicate is made, such a form of expression must be considered to fall outside the  
sphere of s. 2(b)”. He then considered, at p. 396, whether the form of the expression  
used in that case was “compatible with the performance of the airport’s essential  
function”. He concluded, at  
p. 396, that “the distribution of pamphlets and discussion with certain members of the  
public are in no way incompatible with the airport’s primary function, that of  
accommodating the needs of the travelling public”.  
McLachlin J. had a different approach, at p. 454:  
“…the test for the constitutional right to use government property for public  
expression should conform to the following criteria. It should be based on the  
values and interests at stake and not be confined to the characteristics of particular  
types of government property. Reflecting the concepts traditionally associated with  
free expression, it should extend constitutional protection to expression on some  
but not all government property. The analysis under s. 2(b) should focus on  
determining when, as a general proposition, the right to expression on government  
property arises. The task at this stage should be primarily definitional rather than  
one of balancing, and the test should be sufficiently generous to ensure that valid  
claims are not excluded for want of proof. Once it has been determined that the  
expression in question at the location in question falls within the scope of s. 2(b)  
thus defined, the further question arises of whether the government’s limitation on  
the property’s use for the expression in question is justified under s. 1. At this stage  
the concerns should be primarily one of weighing and balancing the conflicting  
interests—the individual’s interest in using the forum in question for his or her  
expressive purposes against the state’s interest in limiting the expression on the  
particular property.”  
Under this approach, at p. 456, once the activity in question is found to be expression,  
“… a further inquiry into the purpose served by the expression in question must be  
made before it can be found that s. 2(b) applies. In a case where the restriction  
involves a state-owned property, that examination will focus on whether the forum’s  
relationship with the particular expressive activity invokes any of the values and  
principles underlying the guarantee. The effect of that inquiry is to screen out many  
potential claims to the use of government property as the forum for public  
expression.”  
[610] Iacobucci J. in Ramsden was dealing with postering on telephone poles. He found it  
was not necessary to determine which of these three approaches should be adopted because  
it was clear that postering on some public property is protected by s. 2(b). Posters have  
communicated political, cultural and social information for centuries and he was satisfied that  
attaching posters to public utility poles is not incompatible with the poles’ use of carrying utility  
transmission lines. Indeed, there was expert evidence indicating posters have traditionally  
been used by minority groups to publicize new ideas or causes. Utility poles have become the  
preferred postering place since the inception of the telephone system and, while the by-law  
was aimed at the consequences of the particular conduct in question and was not tied to  
content, it was clear that its effect was to limit expression.  
[611] The absolute prohibition of postering on public property prevented the communication  
of political, cultural and artistic messages. Because the expression in question promoted  
political and social discourse, one of the underlying purposes of s. 2(b) was established by  
the respondent and, thus, s. 2(b) was violated. Justice Iacobucci went on to find, pursuant to  
s. 1, that the by-law did not restrict expression as little as was reasonably possible.  
[612] If any public forum constitutes a prima facie venue for public protest, our streets and  
parks must be that venue: see, generally, Stoykewych, “Street Legal: Constitutional  
Protection of Public Demonstration in Canada”, supra. Notwithstanding the less  
accommodative pre-Charter position of A.-G. Can. v. Dupond (1978), 84 D.L.R. (3d) 420,  
[1978] 2 S.C.R. 770, 5 M.P.L.R. 4, the Supreme Court of Canada in Committee for the  
Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at pp.393 and 449 endorsed the following  
characterization of public streets and parks found in Hague v. Committee for Industrial  
Organization, 307 U.S. 496 (1939) at pp. 515-16:  
Wherever the title of streets and parks may rest, they have immemorially been held in  
trust fur the use of the public and, time out of mind, they have been used for purposes of  
assembly, communicating thoughts between citizens, and discussing public questions.  
Such use of the streets and public places has, from ancient times, been a part of the  
privileges, immunities, rights, and liberties of citizens. The privilege of a citizen of the  
United States to use the streets and parks for communication of views on national  
questions may be regulated in the interest of all; it is not absolute, but relative, and must  
be exercised in subordination to the general comfort and convenience, and in  
consonance with peace and good order, but it must not, in the guise of regulation, be  
abridged or denied.  
[613] Thus, like freedom of speech generally, the exercise of speech on a street or in a  
public park is fundamentally important. It is not, however, without limitations. The perspective  
of public forum is helpfully developed by Farber and Nowak in “The Misleading Nature of  
Public Forum Analysis: Content and Context in First Amendment Adjudication” (1984), 70  
Virginia L. Rev. 1219 at pp. 1234-5:  
Like the fourth amendment, the first amendment “protects people, not places”.  
Constitutional protection should depend not on labelling the speaker’s physical location  
but on the first amendment values and the governmental interests involved in the case.  
Of course, governmental interests are often tied to the nature of the place. Public  
sidewalks, for example, are generally places where the government’s interests are  
rather weak, given the diverse uses of sidewalks. At the same time, because sidewalks  
and streets have often served as forums of last resort for those who cannot afford other  
media of expression, the first amendment interests at stake may be especially high.  
Consequently, the balance may well tilt in  
favour of free speech more often when a sidewalk is involved than when some other  
place is involved. To this extent, the public forum doctrine is a useful heuristic devicea  
shorthand method of invoking this balance of interest. But when the heuristic device  
becomes the exclusive method of analysis, only confusion and mistakes can result.  
[614] In my view, any interlocutory injunction issued in these proceedings would result in an  
infringement of s. 2(b). The balancing of competing values and interests must be left to a s. 1  
analysis which centres itself on the factual context placed before the court: see Edmonton  
Journal v. Alberta (Attorney-General) (1989), 64 D.L.R. (4th) 577 at pp. 583-4, [1989] 2  
S.C.R. 1326, 41 C.P.C. (2d) 109, per Wilson J. The core of the Attorney-General’s case is  
focused on, at least in part, the content of the defendants’ speech and the consequences of  
this speech in so far as the health and well-being of patients are concerned. As previously  
noted in the context of Irwin Toy, where a restriction is aimed at the content of speech, the  
infringement of s. 2(b) is established and the analysis proceeds immediately to s. 1 of the  
Charter. Where the restriction is aimed not at content but at the avoidance of undesirable  
consequences of various expressions, those relying on the Charter may establish a violation  
by demonstrating a link between their expressive activity in the forum in question and one of  
the purposes of the guarantee of free speech.  
[615] In assessing the purpose of the injunction sought in this proceeding, one cannot easily  
separate the content of the speech in question from its alleged consequences. This being so,  
the analysis should proceed to s. 1 of the Charter out of an abundance of caution. However,  
even if one could easily determine that the injunction is aimed only at consequences, the  
defendants have brought themselves within s. 2(b) by demonstrating that their expressive  
activity on public property relates to the underlying purposes of the guarantee of free speech.  
The regulation of abortion and the provision of such services have been and continue to be  
significant policy issues in Canada attracting public debate. These are controversial issues  
and public policy continues to evolve. There are, at a minimum, participatory and  
truth-seeking purposes in the defendants’ activities. As they have testified, they are engaged  
in public debate aimed at promoting a better understanding of an important social and political  
issue. The locations of their expression are the places where abortion services are provided  
or where abortion service providers reside or work. There is, accordingly, a clear nexus  
between the purpose of their expression and the locations where they are expressing  
themselves.  
[616] I agree with McLachlin J. that the compatibility of a property’s purpose with free  
expression is “doubtless” a factor in determining whether a government restriction on that  
expression is constitutional under s. 1 of the Charter. Like her, I also question, however,  
whether it is the only factor and whether it is properly introduced at the stage of s. 2(b) of the  
Charter: see Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at p. 452. While  
the compatibility of expressive activity with a property’s purpose is central to this dispute, the  
final resolution of compatibility is best left to a s. 1 analysis where all competing interests and  
values can be considered and weighed.  
[617] Indeed, not to await s. 1 may ignore that the plaintiff and the interveners in this case  
have superior knowledge regarding how the locations best function and why the defendants’  
activities must, in the final analysis, be considered incompatible with the reasonable use and  
enjoyment of the streets and contiguous properties and facilities: see Committee for the  
Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at p. 454. Accordingly, I find that the defendants  
have demonstrated that the expression in question at the locations in issue falls within the  
scope of s. 2(b) having regard to the concepts traditionally associated with free expression. It  
must, therefore, be determined whether a limitation in the form of an interlocutory injunction  
preventing or constraining the use of such property for the expression in question is justified  
under s. 1.  
(iv) Freedom of expression and s. 1: More guiding principles  
[618] Before undertaking the s. 1 inquiry, several additional principles sensitive to the context  
of regulating speech need review.  
[619] The Attorney-General represents a government which has chosen sides in the debate  
over abortion and access to abortion services. It is unequivocally “pro-choice” and has  
fashioned public policy accordingly. The government’s funding of free-standing abortion  
clinics is illustrative. It is because politicians are often subject to such strong partisan  
pressures that they may also fall victim to a tendency to overestimate the need for restrictions  
on speech. As Professor Thomas Emerson in “Toward a General Theory of the First  
Amendment” (1963), 72 Yale L. J. 877 at p. 888, observes, “[i]t has been common for  
individuals and groups who demanded freedom of expression for themselves to insist that it  
be denied to others”.  
[620] In the same light, Professor Cass Sunstein in Democracy and the Problem of Free  
Speech (1993), at pp. 135 and 146, identifies the need for courts to be very suspicious of the  
regulation of “political speech”. Where government is acting as an antagonist and not as a  
mediator, it is uniquely unreliable. Moreover, restrictions in this context will be especially  
damaging because they “close off the ordinary processes through which public deliberation  
occurs”. McLachlin J. recognized this need for caution in assessing government motive in R.  
v. Keegstra, supra, when she wrote at p. 80:  
Arguments based on intrinsic value and practical consequences are married in the  
thought of E. Schauer (Free Speech: A Philosophical Inquiry (1982)). Rather than  
evaluating expression to see why it might be worthy of protection, Schauer evaluates the  
reasons why a government might attempt to limit expression. Schauer points out that  
throughout history, attempts to restrict expression have accounted for a disproportionate  
share of governmental blundersfrom the condemnation of Galileo for suggesting the  
earth is round to the suppression as “obscene” of many great works of art. Professor  
Schauer explains this peculiar inability of censoring governments to avoid mistakes by  
the fact that, in limiting expression, governments often act as judge in their own cause.  
They have an interest in stilling criticism of themselves, or even in enhancing their own  
popularity by silencing unpopular expression. These motives may render them unable to  
carefully weigh the advantages and disadvantages of suppression in many instances.  
That is not to say that it is always illegitimate for governments to curtail expression, but  
government attempts to do so must prima facie be viewed with suspicion.  
[621] A need for judicial caution relates as well to the peculiar nature of free expression. The  
right to freely express one’s views on social and political issues resides at the very heart of a  
democracy. In this sense, it constitutes the foundation for all other rights and freedoms  
guaranteed by the Charter. Restrictions which target social and political debate therefore  
trigger the foundational nature of freedom of speech. For this reason, such restrictions  
demand particular scrutiny. Because limitations on expression are by their nature often  
imprecise, they can also have a “chilling” or deterrent effect on entirely proper speech where  
the threatened speaker remains silent out of concern for potential sanctions: see R. v.  
Keegstra, supra, at pp. 56 and 90; and Emerson, “Toward a General Theory of the First  
Amendment”, supra, at pp. 889-90.  
[622] Professor Emerson in his seminal article “Towards a General Theory of the First  
Amendment”, supra, further observes that the objectives of any limitation are easily subject to  
distortion and ulterior purposes. There is a discernable tendency to equate or confuse the  
message with a feared or predicted harm. In this respect, he writes at p. 890:  
Many persons do not easily separate the conduct or threatened conduct of those who  
express unwanted ideas from their expression of hated and feared opinions. Thus  
opposition to the conduct, or to the potential conduct, readily merges into suppression of  
opinion. The irresistible drive not only to oppose  
the action sought by the minority group but to suppress their advocacy of it. Frequently  
prosecution of unpopular opinion is used as a screen for opposing necessary social  
change. And often the limitation becomes a weapon in a political struggle, employed  
primarily for partisan advantage.  
[623] The Attorney-General’s submission that there is no need for the defendants to protest  
on the streets immediately abutting abortion-providing facilities or the homes and offices of  
abortion providers raises yet another reason for caution. There are, it is suggested, several  
alternative venues open to the defendants such as Queen’s Park, nearby parks or, as  
Mr. Ruby suggests, the intersection of Bloor and Yonge Streets. However, as early as  
Schneider v. State of New Jersey, 308 U.S. 147 (1939) at p. 163, the United States Supreme  
Court rejected this argument out of hand, stating emphatically that “one is not to have the  
exercise of his liberty of expression in appropriate places abridged on the plea that it may be  
exercised in some other place”. There are to be no judicially ordained “Hyde Parks” where  
few really come to listen. The location of speech can be as important as speech itself.  
Effective speech assumes an appropriate audience. It is from this perspective that Justice  
Fortas in Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, 393 U.S. 506 (1969)  
at p. 513, wrote:  
Under our Constitution, free speech is not a right that is given only to be so  
circumscribed that it exists in principle but not in fact. Freedom of expression would not  
truly exist if the right could be exercised only in an area that a benevolent government  
has provided as a safe haven for crackpots. The Constitution says that Congress (and  
the States) may not abridge the right to free speech. This provision means what it says.  
We properly read it to permit reasonable regulation of speech-connected activities in  
carefully restricted circumstances. But we do not confine the permissible exercise of  
First Amendment rights to a telephone booth or the four corners of a pamphlet or, to  
supervised and ordained discussion in a school classroom.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[624] These various principles, said to arise from the peculiar nature of expression, have  
encouraged American courts to adopt a rigid and narrow classification of unprotected speech  
and a public fora bias substantially in favour of free speech. The Supreme Court of Canada,  
on the other hand, has refused to adopt this somewhat mechanistic approach in favour of a  
more contextual and pragmatic balancing of conflicting values pursuant to s. 1 of the Charter.  
Speech is still zealously guarded in Canada. Indeed, government bears the onus of  
demonstrating the propriety of any limitation in so far as s. 1 is concerned. But the Canadian  
jurisprudence is more explicit in its recognition that not all speech is of equal value and that  
much depends on the particular context. The Supreme Court of Canada has also been more  
willing than its American counterpart to accept borderline cases, and less willing to let the  
“chilling” argument be generally determinative. In the result, Canadian courts use legal  
burdens to affect the Charter’s preference for speech, not as watertight categories or  
compartments of expressive activity: see R. v. Keegstra, supra, at pp. 31-3 and 47;  
Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at pp. 442-3; and Arkes,  
“Civility and the Restriction of Speech: Rediscovering the Defamation of Groups”, [1974] Sup.  
Ct. Rev. 281 at p. 330. Hence, at p. 52 in R. v. Keegstra, supra, Dickson C.J.C. wrote:  
As a final point, it should be stressed that in discussing the relationship between hate  
propaganda and freedom of expression values I do not wish to be taken as advocating  
an inflexible “levels of scrutiny” categorization of expressive activity. The contextual  
approach necessitates an open discussion of the manner in which s. 2(b) values are  
engaged in the circumstances of an appeal. To become transfixed with categorization  
schemes risks losing the advantage associated with this sensitive examination of free  
expression principles, and I would be loath to sanction such a result,  
[625] Accordingly, notwithstanding the perception of an almost total aversion to content-  
based restrictions in the United States, content-based regulation may be justified in Canada.  
On the other hand, content-neutral regulation which effectively denies a right to communicate  
may succumb to the Canadian Charter. In this respect, McLachlin J. in Committee for the  
Common-wealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at pp. 263-4, stated:  
It is sometimes observed that content-neutral restrictions may be easier to justify than  
content-based restrictions. This follows from the fact that content-neutral restrictions are  
likely to be (a) more closely tied to the function or purpose of the place in question,  
and/or (b) are likely to be less objectionable than content restrictions. Thus the balance  
will more often fall on the side of the state. But care must be taken to avoid the trap of  
acceding to limits on expression on the basis they relate to content-neutral  
consequences rather than content. Denial of a particular time, place or manner of  
expression regardless of content may effectively mean denial of the right to  
communicate. Conversely, as abhorrent as arbitrary or unfair content-related limitations  
may be, it must be conceded that when carefully tailored they may be integrally tied to  
important government purposes outweighing any interest a speaker may have in  
communicating a conflicting message. Restrictions on content may be capable of being  
justified on the basis that certain messages are incompatible with the purpose or  
function of a particular government institution. Pornography or literature promoting drug  
use, for example, might be legitimately banned at a school or a children’s festival in a  
government park. The point is that generalizations are of little assistance. What is  
essential is that the court in each case undertake  
the process of balancing and weighing the true interests at stake with a view to  
determining whether the limit on the expression in question is “reasonable” and  
“demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society”.  
[626] Adopting this contextual approach in R. v. Keegstra, supra, the Supreme Court of  
Canada refused to embrace the American position on hate propaganda which permitted  
members of the American Nazi Party to march through Skokie, Illinois, home to a large  
number of Jewish holocaust survivors: see Collin v. Smith, 578 F.2d 1197 (7th Cir. 1978),  
certiorari denied, 439 U.S. 916 (1978). In upholding s. 319(2) of the Criminal Code, Chief  
Justice Dickson noted that Canada and the United States “are not alike in every way, nor  
have the documents entrenching human rights in [the] two countries arisen in the same  
context”. In the United States, viewpoint discrimination is almost always fatal to a government  
initiative despite plausible claims of associated real harm: see Professor Sunstein,  
Democracy and the Problem of Free Speech (1993), at p. 174. In contrast, R. v. Keegstra,  
supra, held that the objectives of s. 319(2) relate to concerns which are pressing and  
substantial in a free and democratic society in light of the harm done to members of the target  
group by propaganda and the harmful influence of hate propaganda upon society at large.  
[627] While “offensiveness” and “emotional turmoil” are viewed as inevitable by-products of  
robust public debate by courts in the United States, this was not the perspective accepted by  
the majority of the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Keegstra. At pp. 36-7, again in the  
context of hate propaganda, Dickson C.J.C. described the kind of objectionable harm which  
can be inflicted by words:  
As the quotations above indicate, the presence of hate propaganda in Canada is  
sufficiently substantial to warrant concern. Disquiet caused by the existence of such  
material is not simply the product of its offensiveness, but stems from the very real harm  
which it causes. Essentially, there are two sorts of injury caused by hate propaganda.  
First, there is harm done to members of the target group. It is indisputable that the  
emotional damage caused by words may be of grave psychological and social  
consequence. In the context of sexual harassment, for example, this court has found  
that words can in themselves constitute harassment: Janzen v. Platy Enterprises Ltd.  
(1989), 59 D.L.R. (4th) 352, [1989] 1 S.C.R. 1252, [1989] 4 W.W.R. 89. In a similar  
manner, words and writings that wilfully promote hatred can constitute a serious attack  
on persons belonging to a racial or religious group, and in this regard the Cohen  
Committee noted that these persons are humiliated and degraded (p. 214).  
The derision, hostility and abuse encouraged by hate propaganda therefore have a  
severely negative impact on the individual’s sense of self-worth and acceptance. This  
impact may cause target group members to take drastic  
measures in reaction, perhaps avoiding activities which bring them into contact with  
non-group members or adopting attitudes and postures directed towards blending in  
with the majority. Such consequences bear heavily in a nation that prides itself on  
tolerance and the fostering of human dignity through, among other things, respect for  
the many racial, religious and cultural groups in our society.  
A second harmful effect of hate propaganda which is of pressing and substantial  
concern is its influence upon society at large. The Cohen Committee noted that  
individuals can be persuaded to believe “almost anything” (p. 30) if information or ideas  
are communicated using the right technique and in the proper circumstances (at p. 8):  
It is thus not inconceivable that the active dissemination of hate propaganda can attract  
individuals to its cause, and in the process create serious discord between various  
cultural groups in society. Moreover, the alteration of views held by the recipients of hate  
propaganda may occur subtly, and is not always attendant upon conscious acceptance  
of the communicated ideas. Even if the message of hate propaganda is outwardly  
rejected, there is evidence that its premise of racial or religious inferiority may persist in  
a recipient’s mind as an idea that holds some truth, an incipient effect not to be entirely  
discounted: (see Matsuda, op. cit., at pp. 2339-40.  
The threat to the self-dignity of target group members is thus matched by the possibility  
that prejudiced messages will gain some credence, with the attendant result of  
discrimination, and perhaps even violence, against minority groups in Canadian society.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[628] Chief Justice Dickson went on to examine the dedication of the international  
community to the eradication of hate propaganda and the fact that ss. 15 and 27 of the  
Charter, by representing “a strong commitment to the values of quality and multiculturalism”,  
underlined “the great importance of Parliament’s objective in prohibiting hate propaganda”.  
With respect to the relevance of s. 15, a Charter section relied on by the Attorney-General  
and interveners in these proceedings, Chief Justice Dickson wrote, at p. 44:  
In its written submission to the court, the intervenor L.E.A.F. made the following  
comment in support of the view that the public and wilful promotion of group hatred is  
properly understood as a practice of inequality:  
“Government sponsored hatred on group grounds would violate section 15 of the  
Charter. Parliament promotes equality and moves against inequality when it  
prohibits the wilful public promotion of group hatred on these grounds. It follows  
that government action against group hate, because it promotes social equality as  
guaranteed by the Charter, deserves special constitutional consideration under  
section 15.”  
I agree with this statement. In light of the Charter commitment to equality, and the  
reflection of this commitment in the framework of s.1, the objective of the impugned  
legislation is enhanced in so far as it seeks to ensure the  
equality of all individuals in Canadian society. The message of the expressive activity  
covered by s. 319(2) is that members of identifiable groups are not to be given equal  
standing in society, and are not human beings equally deserving of concern, respect  
and consideration. The harms caused by this message run directly counter to the values  
central to a free and democratic society, and in restricting the promotion of hatred  
Parliament is therefore seeking to bolster the notion of mutual respect necessary in a  
nation which venerates the equality of all persons.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[629] The Attorney-General has emphasized the vulnerability of women about to undergo an  
abortion and who are seeking unimpeded access to such medical attention.  
[630] In Irwin Toy Ltd v. Quebec (Attorney-General), supra, the Supreme Court of Canada  
concluded that legislation which prohibited commercial advertisements targeting children had  
a pressing and substantial purpose because of the protection it afforded to this particularly  
vulnerable group. The court also refused, in the name of minimal impairment, to take a  
restrictive approach to social science evidence and require the legislature to choose the least  
ambitious means to protect the vulnerable, provided a sufficiently sound evidentiary basis for  
a government’s conclusions exists.  
[631] Much attention, in this proceeding, has been directed to whether the government has  
affirmatively established the alleged “harm” to the health of the targeted patients. In this  
respect, Chief Justice Dickson’s willingness in Keegstra, supra, to infer the existence of harm  
in appropriate circumstances has already been reviewed. Harm was inferred as well in  
B.C.G.E.U. v. British Columbia (Attorney-General) (1988), 53 D.L.R. (4th) 1, 44 C.C.C. (3d)  
289, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 214, as previously discussed where the Supreme Court of Canada  
upheld an injunction to restrain labour picketing and other related activities said to be  
calculated to interfere with the operations of the court-houses throughout the province. The  
injunction was issued at the very commencement of picketing and thus before any actual  
disruption. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court of Canada took judicial notice that picketing  
“sends a strong and automatic signal” (p. 13) and thereby implicitly held the extent of proof of  
actual harm to be a matter of context in concluding at p. 14:  
Picketing of a commercial enterprise in the context of an ordinary labour dispute is one  
thing. The picketing of a court-house is entirely another. A picket line both in intention  
and in effect, is a barrier. By picketing the court-houses of British Columbia, the  
appellant Union, in effect, set up a barricade which impeded access to the courts by  
litigants, lawyers, witnesses, and the public at large. It is not difficult to imagine the  
inevitable effects upon the administration of justice.  
[632] Chief Justice Dickson, at the outset of his reasons, also described the case as one  
involving a fundamental right of every Canadian citizen to have “unimpeded access to the  
courts” and the authority of the courts to protect and defend that constitutional right.  
Unimpeded access to medical services is in issue in this proceeding. Of interest, therefore, is  
the finding by the Chief Justice at pp. 25-6 that a total ban on picketing in the vicinity of court-  
houses struck the right balance between freedom of expression protected by s. 2(b) and the  
public right to have absolute, free and unrestricted access to the courts. He further observed  
that the union and its members were free to express themselves “in other places and in other  
ways so long as they did not interfere with the right of access to the courts”.  
[633] In R.W.D.S.U., Local 580 v. Dolphin Delivery Ltd. (1986), 33 D.L.R. (4th) 174, [1986] 2  
S.C.R. 573, 38 C.C.L.T. 184, another labour picketing case, the court again approved a total  
ban on secondary picketing, holding that the common law doctrine of inducing breach of  
contract constituted a pressing and substantial purpose in so far as it supported the conflict  
resolution policies of modern labour legislation. The ban was therefore a reasonable limit on  
freedom of expression in the context of an industrial dispute.  
[634] In Canada, privacy interests have been held to be sufficiently compelling to override a  
Charter right. Edmonton Journal v. Alberta (1989), 64 D.L.R. (4th) 577, [1989] 2 S.C.R. 1326,  
41 C.P.C. (2d) 109, dealt with a statute prohibiting the publication of any detail relating to  
matrimonial proceedings subject to certain limited exceptions. Notwithstanding that the  
Supreme Court upheld the invalidation of the provision because it was overly broad in effect,  
all members of the court accepted that privacy concerns could otherwise fulfil the  
requirements of s. 1 of the Charter. Representative are the words of La Forest J. who, at pp.  
600-1, wrote:  
Today there is no question that the individual’s interest in personal privacy is the most  
pressing of the justifications advanced. That interest has been recognized by this court  
as having constitutional significance. In Hunter v. Southam Inc. (1984), 11 D.L.R. (4th)  
641,14 C.C.C. (3d) 97, [1984] 2 S.C.R. 145, it was held to underlie the protection  
against unreasonable search and seizure enshrined in s. 8 of the Charter. Speaking on  
this point on behalf of the court in R. v. Dyment (1988), 55 D.L.R. (4th) 503 at p. 513, 45  
C.C.C. (3d) 244, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 417,I had this to say of the approach adopted in Hunter  
v. Southam Inc.:  
“The foregoing approach is altogether fitting for a constitutional document  
enshrined at the time when, Westin tells us, society has come to realize that  
privacy is at the heart of liberty in a modern state: see Alan F. Westin, Privacy and  
Freedom (1970), pp. 349-50. Grounded in  
man’s physical and moral autonomy, privacy is essential for the well-being of the  
individual. For this reason alone, it is worthy of constitutional protection, but it also  
has profound significance for the public order. The restraints imposed on  
government to pry into the lives of the citizen go to the essence of a democratic  
state.”  
These considerations may well indicate that, in some contexts at least, privacy interests  
may well be invoked as an aspect of the liberty and security of the person guaranteed by  
s. 7 of the Charter: see R. v. Beare (1988), 55 D.L.R. (4th) 481 at pp. 500-1, 45 C.C.C.  
(3d) 57, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 387. However that may be, there can be no doubt that in this  
modern age, it ranks high in the hierarchy of values meriting protection in a free and  
democratic society.  
The right to personal privacy, including the privacy of one’s family and home, has also  
been recognized by leading international documents aimed at the protection of human  
rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (art. 17), the Universal  
Declaration of Human Rights (art. 12), G.A. Res.217 A(III), U.N. Doc. A/810 at p. 71  
(1948), and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and  
Fundamental Freedoms (art. 8) all contain provisions to ensure respect for the private  
and family life of the individual.  
[635] At p. 590, Wilson J., in the Edmonton Journal decision, emphasized the link between  
privacy and inferred psychological stress when privacy is invaded by drawing a parallel to  
Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The Queen, supra. In this respect, she wrote:  
This case addresses a somewhat different aspect of privacy, one more closely related to  
the protection of one’s dignity. It seems to me that the purpose of s. 30(1) of the Alberta  
Judicature Act is to afford some protection against the embarrassment or grief or loss of  
face that may flow from the publication of the particulars of one’s intimate private life  
disclosed in the courtroom. This court has already discussed in R. v. Morgentaler… the  
psychological stress or trauma that can arise from violations of a person’s emotional or  
physical integrity and it has adverted to the fact in Canadian Newspapers Co. v.  
Canada… that such trauma can be the result of widespread publication of matters that  
are embarrassing or humiliating. In my view, this legislation addresses à similar concern,  
namely the personal anguish and loss of dignity that may result from having  
embarrassing details of one’s private life printed in the newspapers.  
[636] Edmonton Journal also reveals the Supreme Court’s sensitivity to the relationship  
between privacy and unimpeded access to a public resource, a relationship accepted to exist  
in another decision of the Supreme Court of Canada and argued to exist in the facts at hand.  
In Canadian Newspapers Co. v. Canada (Attorney-General) (1988), 52 D.L.R. (4th) 690, 43  
C.C.C. (3d) 24, [1988] 2 S.C.R. 122, an accused was charged with sexual assault, contrary to  
s. 246.2(a) of the Criminal Code. The complainant, the wife of the accused, applied for an  
order under s. 442(3) of the Criminal Code directing that her identity and any information that  
could disclose it could not be published in any newspaper or broadcast. The respondent  
newspaper appeared at the trial and opposed the complainant’s application on the basis that  
s. 442(3) violated the right of freedom of the press guaranteed by s. 2(b) of the Charter. In  
applying s. 1 of the Charter, Chief Justice Lamer, at pp. 695-6, wrote:  
The test to be applied has been set out in R. v. Oakes (1986), 24 C.C.C. (3d) 321, 26  
D.L.R. (4th) 200, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103, and restated in Edwards Books and Art Ltd. v.  
The Queen (1986), 30 C.C.C. (3d) 385, 35 D.L.R. (4th) 1, [1986] 2 S.C.R. 713. In order  
to justify a limitation of a Charter right in a free and democratic society, two requirements  
must be met. The first one is related to the importance of the legislative objective which  
the limitation is designed to achieve. In the present case, the impugned provision  
purports to foster complaints by victims of sexual assault by protecting them from the  
trauma of widespread publication resulting in embarrassment and humiliation.  
Encouraging victims to come forward and complain facilitates the prosecution and  
conviction of those guilty of sexual offences. Ultimately, the overall objective of the  
publication ban imposed by s. 442(3) is to favour the suppression of crime and to  
improve the administration of justice. This objective undoubtedly bears on a “pressing  
and substantial concern” and respondent conceded that it is of sufficient importance to  
warrant overriding a constitutional right. The first requirement under s. 1 is thus  
satisfied…  
[637] The Chief Justice concluded that the proportionality test dictated by R. v. Oakes  
(1986), 26 D.L.R. (4th) 200, 24 C.C.C. (3d) 321, [1986] 1 S.C.R. 103, was met  
notwithstanding the mandatory language of the provision requiring a judge, on demand of a  
complainant, to grant the order requested. In so holding, he returned to the rationale for the  
provision, noting that a victim who fears publicity is assured, when deciding whether to report  
the crime, that the judge hearing the matter must prohibit the publication of the complainant’s  
identity and any related information upon request. He also observed that, of the most serious  
crimes, sexual assault is one of the most unreported.  
[638] Relevant, too, is R. v. Butler (1992), 89 D.L.R. (4th) 449, 70 C.C.C. (3d) 129, [1992] 1  
S.C.R. 452, in which the Supreme Court of Canada inferred psychological harm arising from  
obscene material. At p. 483, Sopinka J. acknowledged that a direct link between obscenity  
and harm to society may be difficult, if not impossible, to establish. Nevertheless, “it [was]  
reasonable to presume that exposure to images bears a causal relationship to changes in  
attitudes and beliefs”. In upholding the constitutionality of s. 163 of the Criminal Code, his  
Lordship, at p. 484 spoke of a “reasoned apprehension of harm”:  
I am in agreement with Twaddle J.A. who expressed the view that Parliament was  
entitled to have a “reasoned apprehension of harm” resulting from the desensitization of  
individuals exposed to materials which depict violence, cruelty, and dehumanization in  
sexual relations.  
Accordingly, I am of the view that there is a sufficiently rational link between the criminal  
sanction, which demonstrates our community’s disapproval of the dissemination of  
materials which potentially victimize women and which restricts the negative influence  
which such materials have on changes and attitudes and behaviour, and the objective.  
[639] A similar contextually sensitive pragmatism is revealed in Reference re: ss. 193 and  
195(1) (c) of the Criminal Code (Man.) (1990), 56 C.C.C. (3d) 65, [1990] 1 S.C.R. 1123, 77  
C.R. (3d) 1. That decision dealt with a section of the Code prohibiting sexual solicitation in a  
public place or in any place open to public view. Dickson C.J.C. was satisfied that the  
eradication of the nuisance-related problems caused by sexual solicitation was a pressing  
and substantial concern (at p. 73). He took notice that public solicitation for the purposes of  
prostitution was closely associated with street congestion and noise, oral harassment of non-  
participants and generally detrimental effects on passers-by or bystanders, especially  
children. Lamer J. (as he then was) saw the legislation aimed not merely at preventing the  
nuisance of traffic congestion and general street disorder but also [at p. 119] including  
…the additional objective of minimizing the public exposure of an activity that is  
degrading to women with the hope that potential entrance in the trade can be deflected  
at an early stage and to restrict the blight that is associated with public solicitation for the  
purposes of prostitution.  
[640] It has also been held that freedom of expression assumes an ability in the listener not  
to listen but to turn away if that is her wish. The Charter does not guarantee an audience and,  
thus, a constitutional right to listen must embrace a correlative right not to listen. In Committee  
for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada, supra, at pp. 430-1, L’Heureux-Dubé J., in  
considering the access of would-be speakers to an airport terminal, dealt with the concern  
that such access could result in exposing “captive viewers or listeners” to unwanted  
messages. In this respect, she reproduced and approved the following excerpt from the  
reasons of Douglas J. in Lehman v. City of Shaker Heights, 418 U.S. 298 (1974) at pp. 306-7:  
“[I]f we are to turn a bus or streetcar into either a newspaper or a park, we take great  
liberties with people who because of necessity become commuters and at the same time  
captive viewers or listeners.  
“In asking us to force the system to accept his message as a vindication of his  
constitutional rights, the petitioner overlooks the constitutional rights of the commuters.  
While petitioner clearly has a right to express his views to those who wish to listen, he  
has no right to force his message upon an audience incapable of declining to receive it.  
In my view the right of the commuters to be free from forced intrusions on their privacy  
precludes the city from transforming its vehicles of public transportation into forums for  
the dissemination of ideas upon this captive audience.”  
(Emphasis added.)  
[641] The principle behind a constitutional aversion to “captive audiences” is that forced  
listening “destroys and denies, practically and symbolically, that unfettered interplay and  
competition among ideas which is the assumed ambient of the communication freedoms”: see  
Black Jr., “He Cannot Choose but Hear: The Plight of the Captive Auditor” (1953), 53  
Columbia L. Rev. 960 at p. 967. Free speech, accordingly, does not include a right to have  
one’s message listened to. In fact, an important justification for permitting people to speak  
freely is that those to whom the message is offensive may simply “avert their eyes” or walk  
away. Where this is not possible, one of the fundamental assumptions supporting freedom of  
expression is brought into question. L’Heureux-Dubé J., however, considered airports to have  
much more in common with streets and parks than with the buses or airplanes which they  
service. In her view, she stated, at p. 431:  
These locations are “contemporary crossroads” or “modern thoroughfares”, and thus  
should be accessible to those seeking to communicate with the passing crowds.  
[642] This concern for “captive audiences” is related to the principle that the form of  
expression must be compatible with the function or intended purpose of the place or forum of  
the expressive activity. As Chief Justice Lamer in Committee for the Commonwealth of  
Canada v. Canada, supra, stated at p. 395:  
The interest which any person may have in communicating in a place suited for the  
purpose cannot have the effect of depriving the citizens as a whole of the effective  
operation of government services and undertakings. Even before any attempt was made  
to use them for purposes of expression, such places were intended by the state to  
perform specific social functions. A person who is in a public place for the purpose of  
expressing himself must respect the functions of the place and cannot in any way invoke  
his or her freedom of expression so as to interfere with those functions. For example, no  
one would suggest that an individual could, under the aegis of freedom of expression,  
shout a political message of some kind in the Library of Parliament or any other library.  
This form of expression in such a context would be incompatible with the fundamental  
purpose of the place, which essentially requires silence. When an individual undertakes  
to communicate in a public place, he or she must consider the function which the place  
must fulfil and adjust his or her means of communicating so that the expression is not an  
impediment to that function. To refer again to the example of a library, it is likely that  
wearing a T-shirt bearing a political message would be a form of expression consistent  
with the intended purpose of such a place.  
The fact that one’s freedom of expression is intrinsically limited by the function of a  
public place is an application of the general rule that one’s rights are always  
circumscribed by the rights of others. In the context of expressing oneself in the places  
owned by the state, it can be said that, under s.2(b), the freedom of expression is  
circumscribed at least by the very function of the place.  
(Emphasis added.)  
(v) Section 1 analysis: the government’s purposes  
[643] Mention has been made of the overlap in the need to develop the common law torts of  
nuisance and privacy in light of Charter values and the requirements of the Charter which  
demand an accommodation of freedom of speech in any interlocutory order requested by a  
government to enjoin a nuisance or to protect privacy. There is, as well, an analytical affinity  
between the balancing required by the third branch of the interlocutory relief test and the  
balancing of conflicting values and interests pursuant to s. 1 of the Charter. Indeed, it is my  
view that the public interest referred to in the Metropolitan Stores and RJR-Macdonald cases  
will only be accommodated in the instant matter if the latter two analyses are identical.  
Accordingly, no separate interlocutory balance of convenience analysis need occur.  
[644] The first part of the s. 1 test involves determining whether the objectives sought to be  
achieved by the government action relate to concerns which are “pressing and substantial in  
a free and democratic society”. Dickson C.J.C. explained this requirement in R. v. Oakes,  
supra, at p. 227:  
First, the objective, which the measures responsible for a limit on a Charter right or  
freedom are designed to serve, must be “of sufficient importance to warrant overriding a  
constitutionally protected right or freedom”: R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd., supra, at p. 430  
C.C.C., p. 366 D.L.R., p. 352 S.C.R. The standard must be high in order to ensure that  
objectives which are trivial or discordant with the principles integral to a free and  
democratic society do not gain s. 1 protection. It is necessary, at a minimum, that an  
objective relate to concerns which are pressing and substantial in a free and democratic  
society before it can be characterized as sufficiently important.  
[645] It is then necessary to consider whether the means chosen are proportional to the  
government’s objective. As Dickson C.J.C. stated in Edwards Books and Art Ltd., supra, at  
p. 768:  
Secondly, the means chosen to attain those objectives must be proportional or  
appropriate to the ends. The proportionality requirement, in turn, normally has three  
aspects: the limiting measures must be carefully designed, or rationally connected, to  
the objective; they must impair the right as little as possible; and their effects must not so  
severely trench on individual or group rights that the legislative objective, albeit  
important, is, nevertheless, outweighed by the abridgement of the rights.  
[646] This action has been brought to guarantee women access to safe abortion services,  
medical services having constitutional implications: see Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v.  
The Queen (1988), 44 D.L.R. (4th) 385, 37 C.C.C. (3d) 449, [1988] 1 S.C.R. 30. The  
consequences of any delay have been described by the Supreme Court of Canada as  
“potentially devastating”, both physically and psychologically: see pp. 403 and 413. The  
fundamental relationships between this medical procedure and the physical and emotional  
well-being of women and their equality interests were captured eloquently by Wilson J. in  
Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott, supra, at pp. 490-1, as reproduced earlier, in these terms:  
In my opinion, the respect for individual decision-making in matters of fundamental  
personal importance reflected in the American jurisprudence also informs the Canadian  
Charter. Indeed, as the Chief Justice pointed out in R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd., beliefs  
about human worth and dignity “are the sine qua non of the political tradition underlying  
the Charter”. I could conclude, therefore, that the right to liberty contained in s. 7  
guarantees to every individual a degree of personal autonomy over important decisions  
intimately affecting their private lives.  
The question then becomes whether the decision of a woman to terminate her  
pregnancy falls within this class of protected decisions. I have no doubt that it does. This  
decision is one that will have profound psychological, economic and social  
consequences for the pregnant woman. The circumstances giving rise to it can be  
complex and varied and there may be, and usually are, powerful considerations  
militating in opposite directions. It is a decision that deeply reflects the way the woman  
thinks about herself and her relationship to others and to society at large. It is not just a  
medical decision; it is a profound social and ethical one as well. Her response to it will  
be the response of the whole person.  
It is probably impossible for a man to respond, even imaginatively, to such a dilemma  
not just because it is outside the realm of his personal experience (although this is, of  
course, the case) but because he can relate to it only by objectifying it, thereby  
eliminating the subjective elements of the female psyche which are at the heart of the  
dilemma. As Noreen Burrows (lecturer in European law at the University of Glasgow)  
has pointed out in her essay on “International Law and Human Rights: The Case of  
Women’s Rights”, in Human Rights: From Rhetoric to Reality (1986), the history of the  
struggle for human rights from the 18th century on has been the history of men  
struggling to assert their dignity and common humanity against an overbearing state  
apparatus. The more recent struggle for women’s rights has been a struggle to eliminate  
discrimination, to achieve a place for women in a man’s world, to develop a set of  
legislative reforms in order to place women in the same position as men (pp. 81-2). It  
has not been a struggle to define the rights of women in relation to their special place in  
the societal structure and in relation to the biological distinction between the two sexes.  
Thus, women’s needs and aspirations are only now being translated into protected  
rights. The right to reproduce or not to reproduce which is in issue in this case is one  
such right and is properly perceived as an integral part of modern woman’s struggle to  
assert her [emphasis in original text] dignity and worth as a human being.  
(Additional emphasis added.)  
[647] The evidence at hand supports the government concern for the physiological and  
psychological health of women patients. The injunction sought seeks, in part, to remove the  
very close contact between animated right-to-life proponents and vulnerable women patients  
outside abortion clinics and hospitals immediately before these women are to undergo a  
serious medical procedure. There can also be no doubt that this moment and this decision  
constitute one of the most painful and intimate situations a woman can encounter.  
[648] The risk of physiological complications increases with higher dosages of sedative.  
While the actual occurrence of such complications is hotly disputed by the defendants, the  
risk is statistically present and therefore real, at least at this stage of the proceedings. The  
abortion procedure at the free-standing clinics is carried out under local anaesthetic and,  
accordingly, the patient is aware at all times, making her co-operation and relaxation crucial to  
a successful procedure. It seems reasonable to conclude, on the material before the court,  
that an increase in the patient’s level of anxiety, fear and discomfort increases the danger  
associated with an otherwise safe procedure and thus increases the risk to the patient’s life or  
health.  
[649] Even without a compelling link between psychological trauma and increased  
physiological risk, the psychological well-being of women patients and their related interests  
in privacy and equality are also concerns at the root of this government action. The distress  
intentionally caused by protestors impinges solely on women patients as they seek to  
exercise a measure of control over their lives. As Wilson J. in Morgentaler pointed out, and as  
the evidence reveals, the decision process involving abortion is often a complicated and  
emotion-filled one, with the woman grappling with issues of life, death, sexuality, self-image,  
relationship, family and future plans. The desire for privacy in coming to terms with this  
situation, while self-evident, is again demonstrated by the evidence and known to the  
protestors: see also Edmonton-Journal, supra, at p. 600. As one of their objectives, the  
protestors intend to humiliate these women by exposing their situation to the public and  
thereby deter them from carrying out their decisions to abort. It is also asserted by the  
Attorney-General that women who are upset by demonstrators are more likely to experience  
immediate post-abortion depression. While there has been criticism of the cause and effect  
conclusions set out in the affidavit of Professor Catherine Cozzarelli, her findings of elevated  
patient anxiety and a delay in the emotional resolution of this profound experience are not  
unreasonable. Whether they will “pass muster” at trial is, of course, another matter.  
[650] While society cannot spin a protective cocoon around each and every woman who has  
decided to undergo an abortion and insulate her from all unwanted communications, there is  
something fundamentally disturbing about “capturing” women at the threshold of a medical  
facility and doing so immediately before they undergo a serious surgical procedure. Free-  
standing clinics exist because the more protective multi-purpose hospital environment is not  
readily available. Patients at two of the free-standing abortion clinics are easily identified and  
targeted as they approach these single-function buildings. Many of these women are not  
resident in Toronto with the result that the effect of any delay associated with protest activity  
will be aggravated. The conduct of protestors, the physical arrangements outside the clinics  
and the limited alternatives open to women seeking abortion services, hold these patients  
captive to unwanted and potentially harmful communications. These women have little or no  
freedom not to receive the messages of protestors and yet the existence of such choice is a  
hallmark of freedom of expression.  
[651] “Vulnerability” best describes the situation of the women targeted. The decision to  
abort is a profoundly personal one and its complexities pervade the entirety of that individual’s  
life. To be trapped, by the circumstances prevailing at the free-standing clinics, in a face-to-  
face public encounter with a hostile stranger justifies government concerns over the  
unnecessary humiliation and embarrassment inflicted on these women.  
[652] The Supreme Court of Canada, as previously noted, has recognized a right to personal  
privacy and a freedom from humiliation and embarrassment as important countervailing  
values in the context of s. 1. The court has also acknowledged, in considering issues of this  
kind, that the relative power “of those whose activities are restricted and those for whose  
benefit the restriction is made is a relevant factor to weigh in the equation…”: see Edmonton  
Journal v. Alberta (Attorney-General), supra, at p. 60. It is also sufficient if there exists “a  
reasoned apprehension of harm”. For all of these reasons, there can be no question that the  
physiological, psychological and privacy interests of women about to undergo an abortion  
constitute objectives of sufficient importance to warrant overriding a constitutionally protected  
right or freedom.  
[653] I also find the objectives of the government in relation to the health care providers to be  
pressing and substantial. These are people upon whom women seeking abortion services  
depend. The privacy interests of health care providers and their right to be free of nuisance  
are magnified by their role within the health care system. The burdensome legal costs  
associated with obtaining personal injunctive relief, looked at reasonably, may encourage the  
health care providers to simply cease providing this particular service instead of pursuing their  
legal rights. The experience of the Kitchener-Cambridge area bears testimony to the  
reasonableness of this concern. The government’s interest in protecting health care providers  
from the nuisance created by the defendants’ focused residential and office picketing is, in my  
view, pressing and substantial given the significant and adverse impact on women entitled to  
this particular health care service.  
[654] Adding to the pressing and substantial nature of the government’s objectives are the  
privacy interests of physicians and their captive families targeted by the focused residential  
picketing activities of the defendants. There is some evidence, at this stage of the  
proceedings, that young physicians are declining to train in this particular field and that  
experienced doctors are ceasing to provide abortion services. In various newspaper  
interviews and other publications, a number of the defendants have claimed responsibility for  
this declining physician interest. The apparent effect of such picketing on young children like  
Dariush Zeman suggests this claim to be accurate. Of course, how the evidence will play out  
at trial in light of the statistical evidence the defendants rely upon is far from certain.  
Nevertheless, the objectives of the government in this respect are pressing and substantial  
given the vital nature of health care services in Canada.  
[655] Looked at from yet another perspective, it can reasonably be said that unacceptably  
high bystander costs are inflicted by focused residential picketing and by protest activity  
immediately outside the offices of physicians. The neighbours of Drs. Fellows and Chernick  
are representative casualties of focused residential picketing. The reaction of a young child to  
the picketing outside Dr. Berger’s office is equally disturbing. The impact on bystanders living  
inside and nearby the physicians’ homes impacts on the physicians through their relationships  
with these people and, in turn, destroys the physicians’ reasonable enjoyment of their homes.  
(vi) Section 1: the government’s legal bases and proportionality  
[656] There must, however, be a legal basis to protect these interests. The government has  
decided to commence an action instead of passing legislation. Moreover, all legal doctrine,  
both substantive and remedial, must meet the proportionality requirements of R. v. Oakes,  
supra.  
[657] Having regard to the earlier discussion of legal principle, I am satisfied that public and  
private nuisance doctrine speaks to these situations. In so doing, other related grounds for  
relief are also engaged. Profound interests of personal privacy and health are naturally  
accommodated by nuisance principles where the adverse effects substantially undermine the  
reasonable use and enjoyment of property. This is so whether or not the user is an actual  
owner. The concepts of “use and enjoyment”, however, are subject to the reasonable use by  
others of contiguous property and facilities. The law of nuisance has always sought a just and  
contextually sensitive accommodation of conflicting rights and interests. The outcome of a  
sound nuisance analysis in these circumstances, therefore, should accord with the dictates of  
the Charter and the requirements of R. v. Oakes, supra. The prima facie existence of an  
actionable nuisance upon such an analysis will also provide the unlawful means required by  
the laws of civil conspiracy and interference with economic relations. It will, as well, complete  
the analysis for watching and besetting in relation to health care providers.  
[658] The government seeks an injunction restraining the defendants from picketing,  
leafleting or otherwise approaching patients, health care providers or their respective families  
within 500 feet of the premises listed in Schedule A to the statement of claim. It also seeks to  
enjoin the encouragement or counselling of such conduct. The locations can be grouped into  
four categories: hospitals, freestanding abortion clinics, physicians’ offices, and physicians’  
private residences. The plaintiff also seeks to enjoin the defendant, Ubertino, from her  
monthly walking and praying vigil in the vicinity of Choice in Health.  
(1) Hospitals  
[659] The request for an interlocutory injunction at the listed hospitals has not been justified.  
There is insufficient evidence to constitute a prima facie unreasonable interference with the  
operations of the named hospitals or the appropriate interests of patients and physicians. The  
picketing of hospital facilities, the nearby “chain-of-life” activities and the support of such  
activities as previously described do not reasonably, at least at this stage of the proceedings,  
constitute a prima facie private or public nuisance, particularly when the Charter’s interest in  
peaceful protest is considered. This conclusion is very much a function of the fact that public  
hospitals are multi-service facilities. This nature of hospitals prevents picketers and sidewalk  
counsellors from targeting and capturing those patients entering the hospitals to obtain  
abortion services. The many hospital entrances, often set back from public roads and streets  
where picketers are confined, have also contributed to this outcome. In the result, there is  
little or no evidence of patients being adversely affected by the presence of picketers in a  
manner sufficient to offset the constitutional right of protest.  
[660] While the names of doctors providing abortion services at the hospitals are often  
publicly displayed on the signs of picketers at these locations, no interlocutory injunction can  
issue on this account. The principal reason was developed in the earlier analyses of libel and  
defamation and the constitutional rights of the defendants to express themselves on this  
controversial subject.  
[661] The provision of abortion services is not only an important health issue, it is one of the  
most fundamental public policy and moral issues of our time. The history to the abortion  
debate in Canada outlined at the outset of these reasons underlines just how public and  
morally vexing this issue has been and continues to be. From this perspective, picketing and  
the related signage cannot be characterized as “low grade” speech. Rather, it is part of an  
ongoing and public dialogue. The language and the images contained on the various picket  
signs are integral to this debate and, in my opinion, understood by the public to be part of the  
abortion controversy rhetoric. A physician who provides or who refuses to provide abortion  
services cannot assert a privacy interest eclipsing another citizen’s freedom of expression.  
Physicians are part of the health service system in Canada and constitute a privileged  
monopoly in the provision of such vital services. Their professional conduct, actions and  
responsibilities are integrally related to public policy in the medical field and, in this case, to  
the attendant controversy in working out health policy.  
[662] Finally, the government’s attempt to throw a protective blanket over the named  
hospitals and the physicians while working at these hospitals, on the facts of this case, also  
demonstrates the need for judicial caution in entertaining a request from a government which  
has joined one side of a public debate. In my view, a prima facie case of nuisance has not  
been made out at these locations; irreparable harm, if an interlocutory injunction is refused,  
has not been established; and the balance of convenience at these locations is clearly in  
favour of the defendants.  
[663] Initially, I thought the fact that hospitals are more than capable of looking after their  
own affairs contributed to this conclusion. I mean this in the sense that the failure of any  
hospital to bring similar proceedings could suggest no nuisance exists. But on a review of the  
evidence, the action or inaction of our hospitals may only be a barometer of the politics  
surrounding the abortion issue. Indeed, the very need for free-standing clinics may explain, if  
not justify, the government’s attempt to include the named hospital locations. Public hospitals  
have not always given priority to the interests of women seeking access to abortion services.  
Accordingly, the absence of legal action on the part of the hospitals has been considered a  
neutral fact in the circumstances.  
(2) Free-standing abortion clinics  
[664] The three free-standing abortion clinics are all located in Toronto. The Cabbagetown  
Clinic and the Scott Clinic are both located on Gerrard Street East. These clinics are the only  
establishments in the respective buildings which, in turn, are located very close to the public  
street. By contrast, Choice in Health is not the only tenant in the building where it is located.  
The result is that patients attending the single-use buildings are more easily targeted and  
“captured” by picketers and sidewalk counsellors. This difference in the physical configuration  
of the Choice in Health setting means that those patients walking into this multi-service  
building are somewhat less vulnerable to capture by protestors. This may explain why  
picketing was less frequent at this location in the months immediately prior to the launching of  
this proceeding. The location of Choice in Health, however, cannot be equated with that of a  
public hospital. It does not have a multiplicity of entrances. Indeed, its main entrance is quite  
close to the public street. There is difficulty in policing lobby areas. Abortion service patients  
therefore are not immune from capture. Patients being treated and examined by the  
physicians in the building also have immediate exposure to picketers and sidewalk  
counsellors.  
[665] The need for free-standing clinics in Ontario is pronounced because of the politics  
which pervade the abortion issue and the impact of political forces on hospitals throughout the  
province. No abortion services are available at Catholic hospitals notwithstanding their public  
funding. Only a limited number of other hospitals are prepared to offer these services in the  
face of vocal opposition. Moreover, as right-to-life proponents have gained positions on the  
governing boards of those hospitals that do offer abortion services, the continued provision of  
this health service at these locations has been put in doubt. In effect, the free-standing clinics  
are a response to the uncertain delivery of abortion services at Ontario’s public hospitals  
notwithstanding that hospitals provide the greatest protection against the harmful effects of  
protest activity.  
[666] The evidence generally demonstrates that the free-standing clinics have all been  
conditioned to be on continuous alert for substantial impediments to the delivery of their  
health services. In the 1980s and up until early 1990, mass picketing and Operation Rescue  
invasions were regularly staged, bringing the delivery of services to a standstill on such  
occasions. The confrontations involved assaults, trespass and the potential for even more  
serious violence. A realization of this potential was the bombing of the Morgentaler Clinic in  
1992. These clearly unlawful actions of the not so distant past have required the free-standing  
clinics to adopt security procedures more consistent with a bank or prison than a medical  
facility.  
[667] Over the 12 months preceding the initiation of this action, at least two of the clinics  
were subjected to almost daily picketing and sidewalk counselling involving three to six  
persons. There has also been periodic mass picketing associated with spring break or  
particularly symbolic days. Intense emotions, harsh language and the potential for physical  
assault continues to be associated with protest activity notwithstanding its more recent  
change in character. Incidents in the United States have clearly contributed to the anxiety of  
medical staff providing abortion services in Canada. The murders in Pensacola, Florida on  
July 29, 1994, of Dr. John Britten and James Barrett, an abortion provider and his escort,  
while unconnected to the parties in the present action, is an indication of the intense feelings  
involved in the abortion debate. These murders, and the 1993 murder of Dr. David Gunn, also  
in Pensacola, generate a sense of fear and insecurity on the part of abortion providers  
everywhere.  
[668] The people who picket and sidewalk counsel are very vocal opponents of the provision  
of abortion services. Their relentless presence and “in your face” style of “counselling” reflect  
their intensity and commitment. Their language is that of the abortion debate, beseeching  
women not to “kill” or “murder” their babies. As their counsel submit, they have a relatively  
brief opportunity to get their viewpoint across. The message is therefore often exaggerated in  
tone and content in order to attract attention. The intensity of the regular protestors, the  
periodic arrival of large numbers of additional picketers and the attraction by this protest  
activity of others whose conduct is entirely unpredictable demands that security measures  
remain tight and incongruous with a medical setting. The protestors know that abortion  
patients generally wish anonymity and are easily upset. The evidence, I find, reveals that the  
defendants prey upon this aversion to publicity and the emotional vulnerability of the patients  
with the intent of discouraging the use of the medical facilities. This invasion of the patients’  
privacy and health interests is a significant component of the nuisance which the plaintiff has  
prima facie established.  
[669] The evidence reveals that the protestors in front of the Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic  
and the Scott Clinic position themselves at the only walkway to the main entrances and that  
they literally surround a patient, slowing her down in order to deliver a message designed as  
much to shock as to persuade. This approach and the things that are said cause emotional  
distress and humiliation to the women patients. The so-called “counselling” is generally forced  
on women attempting to enter the premises. These women are simply unable to escape their  
pursuers. They are captured by the proximity of these single-use medical facilities to the  
public sidewalk. They are captured by the time dimension of their pregnancies. They are  
captured by the absence of meaningful alternatives. The evidence is that women come from  
all over Ontario to these clinics. They have no choice but to receive this close contact with  
strangers and their shocking messages.  
[670] Most importantly, they are forced to participate in this emotionally charged contact with  
hostile strangers immediately prior to undergoing a serious surgical procedure requiring the  
patient to be calm, attentive and co-operative. In my view, the plaintiff has made out at least a  
prima facie case that the picketing and counselling are being conducted in a manner  
incompatible with the character and function of a medical facility and the public areas  
immediately surrounding it. A nuisance may emanate from either public or private property by  
the usage of that property in a manner incompatible with its purpose. These are not the sites  
of ordinary labour, commercial, or political protests. If they were, there could be no  
reasonable objection. The abortion clinics are providing to very vulnerable women surgical  
services with serious associated risks. If it was the government organizing the picketing and  
confrontation with these women, the rationale of Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott v. The  
Queen, supra, would apply and the conduct would be enjoined. Similar concerns for the  
health and psychological well-being of patients and for the fair and equal treatment of women  
demand the law of private and public nuisance provide essentially similar protection.  
[671] This is not to disparage the well-meaning of the picketers or their commitment to a  
cause they believe to be just. The issue of free access to abortion is one over which  
reasonable minds may differ. This is obviously an understatement given the intensely held  
and conflicting ideologies in this area. I also am fully cognizant of the public character of our  
streets and that, generally speaking, one’s right “to be left alone” is severely diminished when  
one ventures forth on these public avenues. But while the temporary costs of annoyance or  
shock in these locations should usually give way to the more lasting benefits of a broader  
outlook obtained from open expression, this general perspective must be subject to  
reasonable contextual limitations arising from the nature of a medical facility and the  
emotional vulnerability of its women patients. The interests of free speech have the greatest  
weight on a public street because our streets constitute a forum of last resort for citizens not  
having ready access to other modes of communication. This important use of our streets,  
however, is subject to the protection of public health and to reasonable limitations consistent  
with the freedom of others to receive or not receive the information at issue. The International  
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (art. 22) reflects the need for appropriate balancing as  
do the previously reviewed Supreme Court of Canada cases holding that freedom of  
expression is not absolute.  
[672] Indeed, in light of the required balancing, I am not satisfied that an injunction  
preventing the presence of protestors within 500 feet of these two facilities, while rationally  
connected to the objective of protecting patients, would impair, “as little as possible” the  
freedom of expression of the protestors. In my view, Morgentaler, Smoling and Scott, supra,  
deals with a woman’s right to make a decision concerning abortion without governmental  
intrusion. Moreover, it does not stand for the proposition that women seeking abortion  
services are entitled to be free of all unwanted public comment and criticism. No one has a  
privacy interest to be entirely insulated from public debate by the complete silencing of others.  
Rather, the issue is one of the appropriate regulation of the time, place and manner of the  
protest activity in this context having regard to the nature of this proceeding.  
[673] The vicinity of an abortion clinic is a strategic location for protestors in that they have  
concluded it is one of the most effective locations for conveying their messages. I have in  
mind as well the submission of counsel for the defendants that listeners have a constitutional  
interest in free expression as much as speakers and that leafleting is a time-honoured method  
of expression in our country. I do not, however, share the submission that there is a  
constitutional right to “sidewalk counsel”. This notion has embedded in it a claimed right to a  
“captive audience” no matter how disturbing the messages might be. In my view, the alleged  
counselling is no different than any other adversary representation of a protestor to someone  
passing by. I have therefore concluded an interlocutory injunction should be granted  
prohibiting the defendants from trespassing upon the property of the Cabbagetown Women’s  
Clinic and the Scott Clinic and, during business hours, from picketing, sidewalk counselling or  
from engaging in any other manner of protest within a sixty-foot (60’) radius of the lands on  
which these facilities are located.  
[674] With respect to Choice in Health, an order will go prohibiting the defendants from  
trespassing upon the property on which the clinic is located and, during business hours, from  
picketing, sidewalk counselling or from engaging in any other manner of protest within a thirty-  
foot (30’) radius of the lands on which the clinic is located. The smaller buffer zone reflects the  
different physical setting. The buffer zones, at all three locations, are substantially less in  
geographic scope than requested by the plaintiff. Five hundred feet would not impair the  
defendants’ constitutional rights as reasonably as possible, at least at this interlocutory stage.  
It appears to me that potential harm to health arises primarily from the close physical  
proximity with hostile protestors. The 60- and 30-foot buffer zones respond to this problem  
while still permitting protestors to attend at these strategic sites. There is, however, no  
justification for any of these facilities and their patients to live in fear of the day-to-day  
traumatization inflicted by picketing at close quarters.  
[675] Specifically, this order does not enjoin the defendant, Ubertino (or her regular  
associates), from conducting herself as she has in the past. I find her precise conduct has not  
created a prima facie nuisance or public nuisance, particularly having regard to its expressive  
nature which falls within the meaning of s. 2(b) of the Charter and the fact she is not  
associated with any of the other defendants. Any restriction on how she presently conducts  
herself does not pass the minimal impairment test of Oakes. She does not speak to patients  
and staff. She does not remain in front of Choice in Health. Her attendance is once a month.  
[676] As well, an order will go creating additional zones one hundred feet (100’) in radius  
from the outside perimeter of the aforementioned 60- and 30-foot buffer zones. Within this  
one hundred-foot (100’) zone, no first person shall continue to approach a second person  
closer than ten feet (10’) where the second person has made it clear that he or she does not  
wish to receive any communication from the first person. Immediately upon the request of a  
second person to whom a first person is seeking to communicate, no such person shall fail to  
withdraw to at least 10 feet from the second person or, in the alternative, discontinue all  
efforts to communicate with the second person. This additional zone of more limited  
protection recognizes the potential for capture of abortion service patients as they approach  
the confined protest-free zones and the possible adverse impact on a patient’s health and  
privacy.  
[677] The general advantages of these orders are several. First, the 60- and 30-foot buffer  
zones serve to create for patients and picketers, a situation not unlike that existing at public  
hospitals. These zones will impede the targeting and capture of the patient on foot. She,  
therefore, will have the same choice as any other pedestrian to accept a pamphlet, to  
examine a picket sign and to listen or not to listen to verbal expression. The buffer zone  
restraining order thus reduces the captive nature of the clinic situation and responds to the  
word “free” in free speech. The zones will therefore reduce the emotional trauma associated  
with doorstep protest. In my view, a limited protest-free zone is necessary to effectuate these  
important objectives. An order fixing a reduced number of picketers, for example, would not  
free the patient from potential “capture”. The evidence demonstrates that even one or two  
picketers can “trap” and traumatize a patient.  
[678] On the other hand, the protestors are not out of sight. They will continue to be able to  
hand out pamphlets and counsel at these strategic sites. Of course, it may be possible for a  
patient to be driven to the curb immediately in front of an abortion clinic without coming into  
close quarters with protestors. But that opportunity responds to the medical evidence before  
me and, again, to the right of a citizen not to listen or to avert her eyes. This hypothetical  
patient will, in any event, be able to see protestors within the immediate vicinity of the  
locations, including across the street, and if she wishes to receive a pamphlet or have  
extended verbal contact with the protestors, this will clearly be open to her.  
[679] Social science research has documented the existence of “personal space”—an  
emotionally charged zone surrounding each individual that regulates one’s social and physical  
interactions with others. The perception is that people are surrounded by a series of invisible  
bubbles which have measurable dimensions: see Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension  
(1982), at p. 129; and Note, “Too Close for Comfort: Protesting Outside Medical Facilities”  
(1987-88), 101 Harv. L. Rev. 1856 at p. 1858, n. 14. Edward Hall determined that social  
distance between people ranges from 4 feet to 12 feet. Public distance, the next “invisible  
bubble”, begins at 12 feet: see Hall, The Hidden Dimension, at pp. 121-3. It is appropriate that  
a protective “bubble” in the instant case be at the outer edge of the social distance zone. A  
10-foot bubble which can be activated for 100 feet recognizes the health concerns of any  
potential interaction occurring on a public street between strangers who may or may not wish  
to speak to each other. In this respect, this second zone should lessen patient anxiety  
currently being experienced immediately prior and subsequent to undergoing a serious  
medical procedure. However, it permits dialogue with a sidewalk conusellor if this is desired  
by the patient.  
[680] Mere physical access is not adequate in these particular circumstances. As Blackmun  
J. stated in Beth Israel Hasp. v. N.L.R.B., 437 U.S. 483 (1978) at p. 509, and quotes in  
N.L.R.B. v. Baptist Hosp. Inc., 442 U.S. 773 (1979) at p. 783, n. 12:  
Hospitals, after all, are not factories or mines or assembly plants. They are hospitals,  
where human ailments are treated, where patients and relatives alike often are under  
emotional strain and worry, where pleasing and comforting patients are principal facets  
of the day’s activity, and where the patient and his family… need a restful, uncluttered,  
relaxing and helpful atmosphere, rather than one remindful of the tensions of the  
marketplace in addition to the tensions of the sick bed.  
[681] A woman who is traumatized by protestors as she approaches an abortion clinic may,  
as the evidence indicates, remain in this emotional state after she enters the facility to receive  
medical care. This is particularly likely when the patient realizes she will encounter the  
protestors upon her departure. Medical staff at these clinics state that protestors leave  
patients crying and in great distress. This stress complicates counselling, increases the health  
risks and prolongs recovery times. The respite from close encounters with picketers  
represented by the 60- or 30-foot buffer zones and by 10-foot bubble protection for an  
additional 100 feet responds to these concerns without unduly limiting the speech rights of the  
protestors: see and compare Note, “Too Close for Comfort: Protesting Outside Medical  
Facilities”, supra; see Sabelko and Barto v. Phoenix (City of), United States and District Court,  
District of Arizona, No. CIV 93-2229-PHX-SNM, February 11,1994, S.M. Mcnamee J.  
[682] Recently in Madsen v. Women’s Health Centre, Inc., 1994 U.S. Lexis 5087, June 30,  
1994, the United States Supreme Court similarly recognized significant governmental  
interests in obtaining an injunction outside of an abortion clinic, namely: the governmental  
interest in protecting a woman’s freedom to seek lawful medical or counselling services in  
connection with her pregnancy; and the interest in protecting medical privacy. The court  
accepted the Florida Supreme Court’s analogy of medical privacy to residential privacy, a  
previously recognized interest. Like targeted picketing of a home, targeted picketing of a clinic  
threatens not only the psychological, but the physical well-being of the patient held captive by  
medical circumstance.  
[683] Choice in Health, as I have noted, is located at 597 Parliament Street in a multi-service  
building. This location has somewhat impeded the ability of picketers to target and capture a  
patient in the same manner. Nevertheless, in the relatively recent past, Choice in Health has  
been subjected to Operation Rescue tactics and its employees are conditioned to the  
possibility of crisis. The evidence also reveals that there are several other health care  
providers located in this facility, all of whom have patients attending at the building. Indeed,  
one of the physicians treats the victims of AIDS. In my view, the best accommodation at this  
location of conflicting interests is a thirty-foot (300 buffer zone.  
[684] Again, this order does not apply to the defendant, Ubertino, who has engaged in a  
monthly silent walk in the vicinity of Choice in Health.  
(3) Physicians’ offices  
[685] Any order made at these locations must recognize the fact that the physicians’ offices  
are more general medical treatment locations but not the actual sites where abortion  
procedures are carried out. As well, however, these locations have not engendered the same  
level of protest activity as the clinics or the physicians’ homes. In fact, many of the doctors  
have not or have rarely witnessed the office picketing. The provision of abortion services  
remains a public issue and, as important as physicians are to the continued provision of this  
health service, they cannot be completely insulated from the criticisms of citizens who oppose  
their actions. As well, the privacy and health interests of women patients at these locations  
are not abrogated by the picketing to the same extent as they are at the clinics. They are not  
readily identified. Nor are they about to undergo surgery. Accordingly, there must be an even  
greater accommodation of free speech than at the clinics in the form of a less restrictive  
order.  
[686] Nevertheless, some restriction on protesting is justified. The office, as I have said, is a  
site of treatment. The doctors at the listed locations are providing medical services of various  
kinds in their offices. Their co-operation in continuing to provide abortion services is essential  
to the interests of women in need of such services. It is reasonable to infer from the evidence  
some disruption in the availability of services from the picketing activity. The impact of office  
picketing in Cambridge underlines the need for some limited buffer in the circumstances.  
Picketing and protesting are also activities contradictory to the nature and use of a physician’s  
office. The evidence establishes an interference with the reasonable use of these locations.  
The tort of nuisance has a personal component which focuses on the reasonable enjoyment  
of property by the occupiers and users of that property. The law of nuisance has not been  
confined to a narrow protection of the interests of property owners. The interests of patients in  
unimpeded access to safe medical treatment are integral to the purpose of a medical office.  
Reasonable privacy interests are also at stake. The picketing at these offices, therefore,  
constitutes a prima facie case of private and public nuisance. The plaintiff has also  
established, at least at this stage of the proceedings, a prima facie case of watching and  
besetting, interference with economic interests by unlawful means and conspiracy to injure by  
unlawful means with respect to the office picketing.  
[687] An order will be granted prohibiting the defendants, during the hours of 9:00 a.m. to  
5:00 p.m., Monday to Friday, from picketing, sidewalk counselling or engaging in any other  
manner of protest within a twenty-five foot (25’) radius of any entrance to the properties  
containing the offices of Drs. Avinoam Chernick and Ronald Robins of the City of London,  
Drs. George Zeman and Eduardo Berger of the City of North Bay, and Drs. Charmaine Roye  
and Zohra Docrat of the City of Brantford. No order is justified where the doctor’s office is  
located within a hospital.  
[688] Simply limiting the number of protestors would be insufficient. Women who are  
pregnant and decide to have an abortion do attend at these offices. The decision-making  
process involved in this situation is frequently complex, emotionally charged, and highly  
personal. I have discussed the physical and emotional vulnerability of many women at the  
time they discover that they are pregnant and decide to terminate the pregnancy. These  
women deserve some respite from hostile strangers at the doorstep of their doctors’ offices. A  
limited corridor of space free from picketers will, for the time being, provide this necessary  
shield without unduly impairing the constitutional rights of protestors. The distance will also  
reduce the potential for a deepening of interpersonal conflict as reflected by the evidence.  
[689] Furthermore, people who may be completely unconnected to the abortion issue attend  
at these medical offices with their young children. The potential harm to these children is  
illustrated by the incident involving a five-year-old child who wanted to know why Dr. Berger  
“kills babies”. It is true that children may elsewhere encounter many disturbing images and  
sounds. But we do what we reasonably can to reduce these potentially harmful encounters:  
see Bering v. Share, 721 P.2d 918 (1986). A twenty-five foot (25’) limit on protesting will  
create a space through which children may be escorted into these medical facilities. It should  
serve to lessen the adverse impact on them.  
[690] As a result of the incidents of trespass, previously discussed, an order will also be  
granted prohibiting the defendants from trespassing upon the premises of the offices of Drs.  
Avinoam Chernick, Ronald Robins, George Zeman, Eduardo Berger, Charmaine Roye and  
Zohra Docrat as well as at the office of Dr. Fraser Fellows located at the St. Joseph’s Health  
Centre in Victoria Hospital, City of London.  
(4) Physicians’ residences  
[691] In Frisby v. Schults, supra, the United States Supreme Court held that an ordinance  
making it “unlawful” for any person to engage in picketing before or about the residence or  
dwelling of any individual was not facially invalid under the First Amendment. The appellants  
were individuals strongly opposed to abortion and wished to express their views on the  
subject by picketing on the public street outside the residence of a doctor who performed  
abortions at two clinics in neighbouring towns. They therefore engaged in picketing,  
notwithstanding the ordinance, assembling outside the doctor’s home on at least six  
occasions between April 20, 1985 and May 20, 1985, for periods ranging from one to one and  
one-half hours. The size of the group varied from 11 to more than 40 and the picketing was  
generally orderly and peaceful. On being advised that the ordinance would be enforced  
against them, the appellants sought declaratory and permanent injunctive relief on the  
grounds that the ordinance violated the First Amendment.  
[692] Against the construction that the ordinance spoke to “only focused picketing taking  
place solely in front of a particular residence” (p. 483), Justice O’Connor emphasized the  
privacy interests of the unwilling “captive” listener and the devastating impact of focused  
picketing on the quiet enjoyment of the home. In this respect, she stated at pp. 484-8:  
We readily agree that the ordinance preserves ample alternative channels of  
communication and thus move on to inquire whether the ordinance serves a significant  
government interest. We find that such an interest is identified within the text of the  
ordinance itself: the protection of residential privacy.  
“The State’s interest in protecting the well-being, tranquillity and privacy of the home is  
certainly of the highest order in a free and civilized society.” Carey v. Brown, 447 U.S., at  
471. Our prior decisions have often remarked on the unique nature of the home, “the  
last citadel of the tired, the weary, and the sick,” Gregory v. Chicago, 394 U.S. 111, 125  
(1969) (Black, J., concurring), and have recognized that “[p]reserving the sanctity of the  
home, the one retreat to which men and women can repair to escape from the  
tribulations of their daily pursuits, is surely an important value”. Carey, supra, at 471.  
One important aspect of residential privacy is protection of the unwilling listener.  
Although in many locations, we expect individuals simply to avoid speech they do not  
want to hear, cf. Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville, supra, at 210-211; Cohen v.  
California, 403 U.S. 15, 21-22 (1971), the home is different. “That we are often ‘captives’  
outside the sanctuary of the home and subject to objectionable speech … does not  
mean we must be captives every where.” Rowan v. Post Office Dept., 397 U.S. 728, 738  
(1970).  
Here, in contrast, the picketing is narrowly directed at the household, not the public. The  
type of picketers banned by the Brookfield ordinance generally do not seek to  
disseminate a message to the general public, but to intrude upon the targeted resident,  
and to do so in an especially offensive way. Moreover, even if some such picketers have  
a broader communicative purpose, their activity nonetheless inherently and offensively  
intrudes on residential privacy. The devastating affect of targeted picketing on the quiet  
enjoyment of the home is beyond doubt:  
“To those inside… the home becomes something less than a home when and while the  
picketing… continue[s]… [The] tensions and pressures may be psychological, not  
physical, but they are not, for that reason, less inimical to family privacy and truly  
domestic tranquillity. Carey, supra at 478 (Renhnquist, J., dissenting, (quoting  
Wauwatosa v. King, 49 Wis. 2d 398,411-412,182 N.W. 2d 530, 537 (1971)).”  
In this case, for example, appellees subjected the doctor and his family to the presence  
of a relatively large group of protestors on their doorstep in an attempt to force the  
doctor to cease performing abortions. But the actual size of the group is irrelevant; even  
a solitary picket can invade residential privacy… The offensive and disturbing nature of  
the form of the communication banned by the Brookfield ordinance thus can scarcely be  
questioned.  
The First Amendment permits the government to prohibit offensive speech as intrusive  
when the “captive” audience cannot avoid the objectionable speech. See Consolidated  
Edison Co. v. Public Service Comm’n of New York 487 U.S. 530, 542 (1980)… The  
target of the focused picketing banned by the Brookfield ordinance is just such a  
“captive.” The resident is figuratively, and perhaps literally, trapped within the home, and  
because of the unique and subtle impact of such picketing is left with no ready means of  
avoiding the unwanted speech… Thus, the “evil” of targeted residential picketing, “the  
very presence of an unwelcome visitor at the home,” Carey, supra, at 478 (Renhnquist,  
J., dissenting) is “created by the medium of expression itself” …Accordingly, the  
Brookfield ordinance’s complete ban of that particular medium of expression is narrowly  
tailored.  
[693] Of course, there is no such ordinance in the facts at hand. However, the tort doctrine of  
nuisance embraces an expansive set of principles aimed at protecting a person’s entitlement  
to reasonable use and enjoyment of a particular property. Privacy is an integral component of  
reasonable residential use. A homeowner’s interest in privacy is both self-evident and of a  
constitutional dimension: see Edmonton Journal v. Alberta (Attorney-General) (1989), 64  
D.L.R. (4th) 577 at pp.614, 589 and especially at pp. 600-1, [1989] 2 S.C.R. 1326, 41 C.P.C.  
(2d) 109. A public nuisance arises because of the widespread nature of the home picketing  
tactic and from the critical involvement of physicians in the provision of the health care service  
in issue. The evidence reveals that the picketing has been highly intrusive and has had a  
demonstrable adverse effect on the family members of physicians and on neighbours. Indeed,  
in London, Ontario, one neighbour caught between two targeted doctors is in the process of  
selling his house because of the nuisance. Further, he has been advised that his house is not  
as valuable as it would otherwise be. The picketing at private residences has, therefore,  
occasioned very high bystander costs. Particularly illustrative is the incidental and  
unacceptable involvement of young children. It is reasonable to infer that this tactic deters  
doctors from providing abortion services.  
[694] The picketing of a particular home and a particular family is prima facie a private and  
public nuisance in the circumstances. The protestors’ intentions clearly include the infliction of  
a nuisance. The doctors were warned before the picketing commenced that their homes  
would be picketed if they did not cease providing abortion services. The picketers were,  
therefore, fully aware of the objectionable nature of their conduct and intended their presence  
to be invasive as described in Frisby v. Schultz, supra. This is not the case of a slum landlord  
who has no office location to be picketed or of someone like a politician who may have, in  
certain circumstances, a potentially diminished expectation of privacy even at his or her  
home. Moreover, the nuisance arises not from a single episode of picketing but from the  
frequent and co-ordinated presence of picketers at one particular home in one particular  
neighbourhood or the reasonable apprehension of such frequency.  
[695] The tactic is designed to put pressure on a doctor through family, friends and  
neighbours. These intended “secondary effects” contravene a citizen’s interest in residential  
privacy. This interest is consonant with constitutional values and protected by the law of  
nuisance: see Note, “Picketers at the Doorstep” (1974), 9 Harv. C.R.-C.L.L. Rev. 95, at pp.  
105-9. The relationship between the sanctity of the home and constitutional values was  
discussed by Mr. Justice Black of the United States Supreme Court in Gregory v. Chicago,  
394 U.S. 111 (1969) at p. 125, as follows:  
Were the authority of government so trifling as to permit anyone with a complaint to have  
the vast power to do anything he pleased, wherever he pleased, and whenever he  
pleased, our customs and our habits of conduct, social, political, economic, ethical, and  
religious, would all be wiped out, and become no more than relics of a gone but not  
forgotten past… And perhaps worse than all other changes, homes, the sacred retreat  
to which families repair for their privacy and their daily way of living, would have to have  
their doors thrown open to all who desired to convert the occupants to new views, new  
morals, and a new way of life… I believe that our Constitution, written for the ages, to  
endure except as changed in the manner it provides, did not create a government with  
such monumental weaknesses. Speech and press are, of course, to be free, so that  
public matters can be discussed with impunity. But picketing and demonstrating can be  
regulated like other conduct of men. I believe that the homes of men, sometimes the last  
citadel of the tired, the weary, and the sick, can be protected by government from noisy,  
marching, tramping, threatening picketers and demonstrators bent in filling the minds of  
men, women, and children with fears of the unknown.  
[696] While homeowners may have no absolute right to privacy, focused picketing is not  
prima facie justified in these particular circumstances. The doctor, family members and  
neighbours are held captive by the picketers in a manner completely at odds with free  
expression as previously discussed. The co-operation of physicians is vital to the provision of  
abortion services. Accordingly, the protest activity at the homes of physicians prima facie  
constitutes both a private and public nuisance and its prohibition, on an interlocutory basis,  
within a five-hundred foot (500’) radius of the affected doctors’ homes, is constitutionally  
appropriate.  
[697] The repetitive presence of the picketers transcends its incidental communicative  
purpose and reveals a principal intent to harass physicians, their families and their neighbours  
by impairing their abilities to reasonably enjoy and occupy their homes and neighbourhoods.  
Various public statements by picketers and their mentors admit this purpose and, thereby,  
justify the constraints of nuisance based interlocutory injunctive relief to the extent of five  
hundred feet (500’).  
[698] Accordingly, the defendants are prohibited from picketing or encouraging picketing  
within a five-hundred foot (500’) radius of where the property lines intersect the public  
sidewalk or roadway where no sidewalk exists, at the homes of Drs. Fraser Fellows, Avinoam  
Chernick, Ronald Robins and Hugh Allan, all of the City of London; at the homes of Drs.  
George Zeman and Eduardo Berger of the City of North Bay; at the homes of Drs. Charmaine  
Roye and James White of the City of Brantford; and at the home of Dr. Kenneth Millar of the  
City of Kingston. The home of Dr. Millar has not been subjected to the same extensive  
picketing experienced by other physicians. However, it has been picketed two or three times  
and there is also a reasonable apprehension that such picketing may continue and accelerate  
if the protesting is not enjoined at this location. The address of Dr. Zohra Docrat’s home in the  
City of Brantford has not been disclosed out of fear of future picketing. On the evidence,  
Dr. Docrat’s fear is justified. Dr. Docrat’s home is worthy of protection and she should not  
have to reveal its location to obtain the benefit of a protective order in these circumstances.  
Therefore, an order will go enjoining picketing within five hundred feet (500’) of the property  
on which Dr. Docrat’s home is located, wherever that may be.  
[699] In my view, the evidence of focused residential picketing also constitutes a prima facie  
case of watching and besetting contrary to s. 423(1) of the Criminal Code. The conclusion  
that the defendants’ conduct amounts to a public and private nuisance at all locations other  
than hospitals also leads to the prima facie finding of interference with economic interests by  
unlawful means. Reasonable alternative locations to residential sites exist for picketing  
including the hospital, clinic, and office locations in question. The restraining order pertaining  
to the clinic and office locations in no way renders nugatory picketing at those sites.  
(vii) Freedom of assembly  
[700] Freedom of assembly is subject to the same analysis as freedom of expression.  
Freedom of assembly is “speech in action”. In Tarnopolsky and Beaudoin eds., Canadian  
Charter of Rights and Freedoms (Toronto: Carswell, 1982), at p. 138, freedom of assembly is  
identified with freedom of expression in these terms:  
Freedom of assembly has been defined as “concerned with the public expression of  
opinion by spoken word and by demonstration”. The definition is as revealing as it is  
accurate. It not only locates freedom of assembly in the pantheon of freedom of  
expression from which it springs, but identifies its distinguishable, or one might say  
“demonstrable” dimension as well.  
[701] The authors go on to describe this latter dimension in these terms at pp. 142-8:  
Aside from the general justifications for freedom of expression, there are specific  
underpinnings to the right of free assembly. There are three distinct functions of  
assembly: a merely communicative function, a pressure function and an openly coercive  
function. The essence of all three functions is the  
intention to put forth a point of view. Distinctions are based on the intensity of the desire  
to be heard.  
If we do indeed have a right to speak, and to be heard, the right to assemble may be the  
only way of ensuring the advocacy of the right to speak. Mr. Justice Berger notes that:  
“Assemblies, parades and gatherings are often the only means that those without  
access to the media may have to bring their grievance to the attention of the  
public.”  
Groups without the money to advertise often find it necessary to demonstrate. If their  
right to demonstrate is denied, the group must languish in a communicative vacuum.  
Demonstrations guarantee media exposure and in Western society, access to the media  
is essential to the communication of a point of view, and to the fulfillment of group  
interests.  
In addition to this group fulfillment rationale for freedom of assembly, there are socially  
instrumentalist justifications:  
“Whenever the demonstrators are complaining of a bona fide wrong, society’s  
interests will be advanced if their grievance is brought to public attention and relief  
is granted.”  
Moreover, by allowing free assemblies, governmental authorities are able to measure  
both the identity of feeling with regard to an issue and the “extent of grass-root support  
for a specific point of view”.  
[702] I am satisfied that the order in question will violate the defendants’ freedom of  
assembly as set out in s. 2(c) of the Charter and that it constitutes a reasonable limit in a free  
and democratic society for the reasons previously given: see, generally, Stoykewych, “Street  
Legal: Constitutional Protection of Public Demonstration in Canada”, supra; Fraser v. Nova  
Scotia (Attorney-General) (1986), 30 D.L.R. (4th) 340 at p. 348, 24 C.R.R. 193, 74 N.S.R.  
(2d) 91 (T.D.); Canadian Civil Liberties Assn. v. Canada (Attorney-General) (1992), 91 D.L.R.  
(4th) 38 at p. 51, 8 O.R. (3d) 289, 32 A.C.W.S. (3d) 721 (Gen. Div.); B.C.G.E.U. v. British  
Columbia (Attorney-General) (1985), 20 D.L.R. (4th) 399 at p. 406, 17 C.R.R. 51, [1985] 5  
W.W.R. 421 (B.C.C.A.); and Committee for the Commonwealth of Canada v. Canada (1991),  
77 D.L.R. (4th) 385 at p. 427, [1991] 1 S.C.R. 139, 4 C.R.R. (2d) 60, where L’Heureux-Dubé  
J. noted that A.-G. Can. v. Dupond (1978), 84 D.L.R. (3d) 420, [1978] 2 S.C.R. 770, 5  
M.P.L.R. 4, is a pre-Charter decision. In other words, there is no justification for a different  
outcome in the context of s. 2(c).  
(viii) Freedom of conscience and religion  
[703] The leading case on freedom of religion is R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd. (1985), 18 D.L.R.  
(4th) 321 at p. 353,18 C.C.C. (3d) 385, [1985] 1 S.C.R. 295, where Dickson J. holds:  
A truly free society is one which can accommodate a wide variety of beliefs, diversity of  
tastes and pursuits, customs and codes of conduct. A free  
society is one which aims at equality with respect to the enjoyment of fundamental  
freedoms and I say this without any reliance upon s. 15 of the Charter. Freedom must  
surely be founded in respect for the inherent dignity and the inviolable rights of the  
human person. The essence of the concept of freedom of religion is the right to entertain  
such religious beliefs as a person chooses, the right to declare religious beliefs openly  
and without fear of hindrance or reprisal, and the right to manifest religious belief by  
worship and practice or by teaching and dissemination. But the concept means more  
than that.  
(Emphasis added.)  
[704] The emphasized sentence is a considerable elaboration of the words used in s. 2(a)—  
”freedom of conscience and religion”. The declared Charter guarantee of religious autonomy  
does not, unlike its American counterpart, expressly distinguish between the state  
“establishing” or supporting religion and the government interfering with the “free exercise” of  
religious faith. Nor does s. 2(a) distinguish between religious beliefs and religiously motivated  
actions, a distinction first expounded by the United States Supreme Court in Reynolds v.  
United States, 98 U.S. 145 (1878), which upheld a statutory ban on polygamy as applied to a  
person whose religious beliefs required him to take more than one wife.  
[705] The claim that the defendant Ubertino is exercising her religious freedom is a  
complicated one. The state, in this instance, is not intending to interfere with her religious  
beliefs. She is free to attend church, to engage in prayer and to believe in whatever her  
religious faith entails. Rather, it is her action, which she says is motivated by her religious  
faith, which government seeks to regulate. It seeks to do so in the name of secular values—  
the health and welfare of women patients.  
[706] However, the Big M Drug Mart Ltd. decision, supra, refers to the right to “declare  
religious beliefs” openly and the right “to manifest religious belief by… practice… and  
dissemination”. These words could be said to embrace conduct or action. Is Ubertino  
“declaring” her religious beliefs or “manifesting” those beliefs by “practice” or “dissemination”?  
She is clearly motivated by moral and religious values. The other defendants have also  
claimed to be so motivated. But do their religions require or encourage them to engage in this  
action? This question involves a court exploring what is or is not required by a religion, an  
uncomfortable judicial task that may test a court’s tolerance and understanding, particularly  
for religions not in the “mainstream”. Nevertheless, some form of general inquiry of this kind  
appears necessary.  
[707] While a religion may entail the active dissemination of religious viewpoints as in  
Saumur v. City of Quebec, [1953] 4 D.L.R. 641, 106 C.C.C. 289, [1953] 2 S.C.R. 299, the  
concept of “religion” connotes the beliefs of a group: see Stephen L. Carter, The Culture of  
Disbelief (1993), at p. 134. The religious beliefs of the members of a group as a group are  
what informs the religion of those members. If Ubertino’s belief that her protest activity is  
required by her religion is not shared by the vast majority of the members of her religion,  
which is the case, it is difficult to conclude that her conduct constitutes the exercise, practice  
or manifestation of her religion. This is not to deny that she is motivated by profound moral  
considerations. Nor is it to deny that protest activity may be sustained by religious values. The  
civil rights movement in the United States, for example, was led by black clergy. Dr. Martin  
Luther King’s inspirational speeches often called on God and on spiritual values. But I am  
sure many who joined in that movement did so for reasons not based on their religious faith.  
One does not have to share a religion to be concerned for the just treatment of others.  
[708] This analysis blends almost imperceptibly into a consideration of freedom of  
conscience because of the potential subsumation of “religion” by the reference to  
“conscience” in s. 2(a): see Beaudoin and Ratushny eds., The Canadian Charter of Rights  
and Freedoms, 2nd ed. (1989), at p. 174. A claim based on conscience is potentially more  
pervasive than that based on religion in that the circle of “activity” motivated by conscience  
will be much wider. But is “action” motivated by conscience intended to be protected by the  
Charter in contrast to “protection against invasion” of a sphere of individual intellect and spirit  
such as protection against officially disciplined uniformity on orothodoxy? I think not. In my  
view, Ubertino is not being conscripted by an interlocutory order to a cause she fundamentally  
abhors and, that being so, her freedom of conscience will not be adversely affected.  
[709] The plaintiff and interveners argue that a defendant’s predominant motivation (i.e.,  
religion or expression) should govern according to McLachlin J.’s judgment in Young v.  
Young, supra. Thus, if the predominant motivation of conduct is religious and the activity does  
not fall within s. 2(a), that ends any consideration of the Charter. In other words, the  
defendant Ubertino cannot rely, in the alternative, on the “expressive” nature of her conduct  
and assert the exercise of a s. 2(b) freedom.  
[710] In my view, and in the particular circumstances of this case, the actions of Ubertino are  
entirely expressive in nature. But had I found her conduct constituted the practice or  
manifestation of her religion, I would also have held it to have an expressive purpose. And in  
that event, I would have concluded s. 2(a) and (b) of the Charter applied. Clearly, there can  
be circumstances where conduct has more than one constitutional justification. If that is so, I  
do not understand the rationale for requiring a claimant to elect between them. On the other  
hand, the conduct in question should not be any more insulated from state regulation than if  
only one constitutional right were at stake.  
[711] Nevertheless, in the case of Ubertino, I an unable to conclude her particular expressive  
activity, or that of her regular associates, in any prima facie sense constitutes a private or  
public nuisance. Nor would there exist a prima facie s. 1 justification for encroaching on the  
exercise of her s. 2(a) rights had this section of the Charter applied. The plaintiff has also  
failed to demonstrate irreparable harm should Ubertino’s conduct be permitted to continue  
until trial. Further, I find that the balance of convenience is in her favour. This cannot be said  
for other defendants who have engaged in picketing and sidewalk counselling or who have  
encouraged such conduct. Ubertino is not connected to the other defendants in any way. She  
has not, as well, been attracted by their presence.  
[712] The plaintiff argues that even if Ubertino’s conduct is not by itself a nuisance, it  
becomes so when considered in light of the actions of all the other defendants and the  
conduct of other protestors who are attracted by those defendants. I do not agree. There is no  
connection between Ubertino and the other defendants. She attends only monthly. She does  
not pause in front of the clinic. She does not speak to patients or staff. She was not attracted  
by the defendants’ actions. Her conduct, therefore, stands alone. In my view, she should not  
be swept up in an order directed at the private and public nuisance created by others. Her  
conduct is entirely distinct in its nature, timing and lack of demonstrated impact. No order will  
therefore issue against Ubertino.  
[713] For similar reasons, no order will be issued in respect of the conduct of Errol Alchin.  
His actions are expressive and have not targeted women and physicians. The plaintiff has not  
established, on a prima facie basis, that Alchin’s conduct constitutes a private and public  
nuisance.  
VII  
ORDER  
THIS MOTION, made by the plaintiff, the Attorney-General of Ontario, for an interim  
injunctive order was heard on January 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, and  
28, 1994, at Osgoode Hall, Toronto, Ontario.  
ON READING the motion records, factums, books of authorities and transcript filed by  
the parties, and on hearing the submissions of counsel for the plaintiff  
the defendants and the intervenors: Scott Clinic; Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic; and  
Torcan Women’s Reproductive Health Clinic, Inc., operating as Choice in Health Clinic.  
THIS COURT ORDERS THAT, until the trial or other final disposition of this action, the  
motion for an interlocutory injunction be granted restraining the defendants Joanne  
Dieleman, John McCash, Daniel McCash, Linda Cross (a.k.a. Linda Groce), Judy  
Johnson, Dick Cochrane, Jim Hughes, Barry D’Costa, Jack Baribeau, John Bulsza,  
George Dienesch, Paul Charran, Rhonda Wood, Paul Vandervet, Mary Ellen Douglas,  
Nancy Kuwabara, or any agent, sen-ant or person acting under his, her or their  
instruction, John Doe, Jane Doe and other persons unknown, from:  
1. (a) Picketing; sidewalk counselling; patrolling; engaging in oral protest or  
education; interfering or attempting to interfere with access to the provision of  
abortion services by intimidating, speaking to, or approaching any person with a  
view to dissuading them or anyone else from entering, working for, departing from  
or becoming a patient of the Scott Clinic or the Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic (the  
“Clinics”), or directly or indirectly dissuading or attempting to dissuade the  
physicians or other persons at these Clinics from providing or assisting in the  
provision of abortion services; intimidating, speaking to, or approaching any other  
person with the direct or indirect purpose of interfering with or influencing the  
provision of abortion services at these Clinics; interfering with the economic  
interests of these Clinics; unlawfully conspiring to injure the economic interests of  
the Clinics by supporting, encouraging, condoning or engaging in activities  
intended to have the effect of disturbing, interrupting, restricting or limiting the  
services performed at the Clinics; watching or besetting these premises or causing  
these premises to be watched or beset; leafleting; hand billing; displaying a sign; or  
in any other way causing a public nuisance; within sixty (60) feet of the lands on  
which the Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic and the Scott Clinic are located,  
municipally described as 302 Gerrard Street East, Toronto and 157 Gerrard Street  
East, Toronto, respectively; during the business hours of the Clinics; or the  
counselling, aiding or abetting of such prohibited activity;  
(b) Subject to paragraph 1(a), within a one hundred and sixty (160) foot radius of  
the lands referred to in paragraph 1(a), during the business hours of the Clinics  
located there, continuing to approach a second person closer than ten (10) feet  
where the second person has made it clear that he or she does not wish to receive  
any communication from the first person and; immediately upon the request of the  
second person to whom the first person is seeking to communicate, from failing to  
withdraw to at least ten (10) feet from the second person or, in the alternative,  
discontinuing all efforts to communicate with the second person;  
2. Trespassing upon the lands on which the Cabbagetown Women’s Clinic and  
Scott Clinic are located, municipally described as 302 Gerrard Street East, Toronto  
and 157 Gerrard Street East, Toronto, respectively; by any means whatsoever; or  
the counselling, aiding or abetting of trespassing;  
3. (a) Picketing; sidewalk counselling; patrolling; engaging in oral protest or  
education; interfering or attempting to interfere with access to the provision of  
abortion services by intimidating, speaking to, or approaching any person with a  
view to dissuading them or anyone else from entering,  
working for, departing from or becoming a patient of the Choice in Health Clinic  
(the “Clinic”), or directly or indirectly dissuading or attempting to dissuade the  
physicians or other persons at the Clinic from providing or assisting in the provision  
of abortion services; intimidating, speaking to or approaching any other person with  
the direct or indirect purpose of interfering with or influencing the provision of  
abortion services at the Clinic; interfering with the economic interests of the Clinic;  
unlawfully conspiring to injure the economic interests of the Clinic by supporting,  
encouraging, condoning or engaging in activities intended to have the effect of  
disturbing, interrupting, restricting or limiting the services performed at the Clinic;  
watching or besetting these premises or causing these premises to be watched or  
beset; leafleting; hand billing; displaying a sign; or in any other way causing a  
public nuisance; within thirty (30) feet of the lands on which the Choice in Health  
Clinic is located, municipally described as 597 Parliament Street, Toronto; during  
the business hours of the Clinic; or the counselling, aiding or abetting of such  
prohibited activity;  
(b) Subject to paragraph 3(a), within a one hundred and thirty (130) foot radius of  
the lands referred to in paragraph 3(a), during the business hours of the Clinic  
located there, continuing to approach a second person closer than ten (10) feet  
where the second person has made it clear that he or she does not wish to receive  
any communication from the first person and; immediately upon the request of the  
second person to whom the first person is seeking to communicate, from failing to  
withdraw to at least ten (10) feet from the second person or, in the alternative,  
discontinuing all efforts to communicate with the second person;  
4. Trespassing upon the lands on which the Choice in Health Clinic is located,  
municipally described as 597 Parliament Street East, Toronto; by any means  
whatsoever; or the counselling, aiding or abetting of trespassing;  
5, Picketing; sidewalk counselling; patrolling; engaging in oral protest or education;  
interfering or attempting to interfere with access to the provision of abortion  
services by intimidating, speaking to, or approaching any person with a view to  
dissuading them or anyone else from working for, becoming a patient of, or  
entering or departing from the office of any of the physicians at the premises  
hereinafter described, or directly or indirectly dissuading or attempting to dissuade  
these physicians or other persons from providing or assisting in the provision of  
abortion services; intimidating, speaking to or approaching any other person with  
the direct or indirect purpose of interfering with or influencing the provision of  
abortion services by these physicians; interfering with the economic interests of  
these physicians; unlawfully conspiring to injure the economic interests of these  
physicians by supporting, encouraging, condoning or engaging in activities  
intended to have the effect of disturbing, interrupting, restricting or limiting the  
availability of abortion services performed by these physicians; watching or  
besetting these premises or causing these premises to be watched or beset;  
leafleting; hand billing; displaying a sign; or causing a public nuisance; within a  
twenty-five (25) foot radius of any entrance to the properties located at: 648 Huron  
Street, London, containing the office of Dr. Avinoam Chernick; 359 Wellington  
Road, London, containing the office of Dr. Ronald Robins; 1221 Algonquin Drive,  
North Bay, containing the office of Dr. George Zeman; 355 Ferguson Street, North  
Bay, containing the office of Dr. Eduardo Berger; and 221 Brant Avenue, Brantford,  
containing the  
offices of Dr. Charmaine Roye and Dr. Zohra Docrat; during the hours of 9:00 a.m.  
to 5:00 p.m., Monday to Friday; or in the counselling, aiding or abetting of such  
prohibited activity;  
6. (a) Trespassing upon the premises located at: 648 Huron Street, London,  
containing the office of Dr. Avinoam Chernick; 359 Wellington Road, London,  
containing the office of Dr. Ronald Robins; 1221 Algonquin Drive, North Bay,  
containing the office of Dr. George Zeman; 355 Ferguson Street, North Bay,  
containing the office of Dr. Eduardo Berger; and 221 Brant Avenue, Brantford,  
containing the offices of Dr. Charmaine Roye and Dr. Zohra Docrat; by any means  
whatsoever; or the counselling, aiding or abetting of trespassing;  
(b) Trespassing upon the premises containing the office of Dr. Fraser Fellows,  
located at St. Joseph’s Health Centre in Victoria Hospital, 2(iS Grosvenor Street,  
London; by any means whatsoever; or the counselling, aiding or abetting of  
trespassing;  
7. (a) Picketing; patrolling; engaging in oral protest or education; interfering or  
attempting to interfere with the provision of abortion services by intimidating,  
speaking to, or approaching any person with a view to dissuading them or anyone  
else from providing abortion services; watching or besetting; leafleting; hand billing;  
displaying a sign; or causing a public nuisance; at any time, within a five hundred  
(500) foot radius of the following properties: Dr. Fraser Fellows’ home located at  
1057 Fraser Avenue, London; Dr. Avinoam Chernick’s home located at 1051  
Fraser Avenue, London; Dr. Ronald Robins’ home located at 201 Huntcliffe Drive,  
London; Dr. Hugh Allen’s home located at 736 Springbank Drive, London;  
Dr. George Zeman’s home located at 64 Ellendale Road, North Bay; Dr. Eduardo  
Berger’s home located at 90 Labresh Drive, North Bay; Dr. Charmaine Rove’s  
home located at 222 Memorial Drive, Brantford; and Dr. Kenneth Millar’s home  
located at 50 Riverdale Drive, R.R. #1, Kingston; or the counselling, aiding or  
abetting of such prohibited activity;  
(b) Engaging in any of the activities referred to in paragraph 7(a); at any time,  
within five hundred (500) feet of the property on which Dr. Zohra Docrat’s home is  
located in the City of Brantford, Ontario; wherever that may be; and  
8. Exhibiting any sign or other printed or written material reading “Abortion Butcher  
Sent to Jail” or the counselling, aiding or abetting of such prohibited activity at any  
of the locations referred to in paragraphs 1(a), 3(a), 5, 6(a), 7(a) and 7(b); or the  
following locations: Victoria Hospital (Westminster Campus) located at 800  
Commissioners Road East, London; University Hospital located at 339  
Windermere Road, London; North Bay Civic Hospital located at 750 Scollard  
Street, North Bay; and Brantford General Hospital located at 200 Terrace Hill  
Street, Brantford.  
[714] The parties may make written submissions with respect to costs.  
Judgment accordingly.  


© 2022 IncJournal is not affiliated with or endorsed by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission