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water to Alberta ranchers and Indigenous communities. An oil spill in Clayoquot Sound may
contaminate beaches in the wilderness beloved by Canadians, jeopardize the livelihood of local
Indigenous peoples, disrupt the tourism economy of Tofino residents, and pollute coastlines
abroad. Environmental concerns engage the interests of a complex matrix of jurisdictions and all
Canadians, affecting the air we breathe, the water we drink, the food we eat, and are best addressed
as the shared responsibility of all levels of government, with Indigenous peoples the first among
equals, given their historical stewardship of and continued reliance upon the land.
[449] Constitutional decisions to date lead to the conclusion that both Parliament and the
provinces have authority to pass laws with respect to the environment, including with respect to
the impact upon the environment of physical activities and designated projects in the resource
sector, each with respect to the aspect of the environment within their own constitutional authority.
My point here is a simple one: the trust of citizens in their various levels of government to protect
their environmental interests rests with all levels of government given the complexity and
pervasiveness of environmental concerns, appropriately named the existential threat of our times.
[450] The challenge posed by protecting the environment is no longer the purview only of the
young and idealistic; it has engaged governments and civil society, the science community, and
increasingly, leaders of industry and commerce across the globe. It falls to governments, as
guardians of the environment, to put in place legislative processes and administrative infrastructure
to protect against environmental effects. It falls to the courts, in turn, to determine whether
governments have the constitutional authority to enact the environmental protection regimes they
have chosen for this purpose. Courts must do so neutrally and dispassionately. But such a stance
need not be in service of the kind of rigidity that hobbles the ability of governments to respond to
the complexities of modern Canadian society. To that end, courts in this country have developed
various interpretive tools and metaphors designed to ensure some degree of flexibility in our
federal system of governance. Now is not the time to abandon these tools or, worse yet, to give
credence to the kind of “Trojan horse” metaphor advanced by Alberta and Saskatchewan that, in
likening Canada to a foreign invading army deceptively breaching our protective walls, only fuels
suspicion and pits one level of government against another.
[451] Canadian constitutional law is already replete with metaphors, including many involving
something central to the environment itself: water. The division of powers as “water-tight
compartments” (Canada (AG) v Ontario (AG), [1937] 1 DLR 673 at 684, [1937] AC 326); the
Constitution as a “living tree” capable of growth, nourished by progressive interpretation
(Edwards v Canada (Attorney General), [1930] 1 DLR 98 at 106-107, [1930] AC 124); flexible
federalism as a “dominant tide” that cannot sweep designated powers “out to sea” (Reference re
Securities Act, 2011 SCC 66 at para 62 [Securities Reference]). To these metaphors I add only this.
We in this country are all in the same boat. The division of powers provides multiple oars and in
many instances no assurance that we will all row in the same direction. But constitutional
interpretation can and should at least allow for such cooperation, where feasible. The environment
is one such case. Our planet is on fire, and we need water – not heat. The majority offers heat. This
is water. It offers at least the opportunity for governments in this country to work collaboratively